Taliban leader Mullah Omar died in a Karachi hospital in 2013, From TB

By Tahir Khan / Reuters
Published: July 29, 2015

Mullah Omar 

Taliban leader Mullah Omar. PHOTO: REUTERS

KABUL: Supreme leader of the Afghan Taliban Mullah Omar died suffering from tuberculosis two years ago in a Karachi hospital, Afghanistan’s top intelligence agency, the National Directorate of Security (NDS) confirmed on Wednesday.

“The Afghan government has received confirmed reports that Mullah Omar died nearly two years ago in Karachi,” NDS spokesperson Abdul Haseeb Siddiqui told BBC Pushto. “We are happy that now the foreign sources have also confirmed that Mullah Omar is no more alive.”

“We still have a lot of questions how Mullah Omar died,” he said, adding that, “We have been told that the Taliban leader died owing to an illness.”

The deputy spokesperson for the Afghan President also confirmed that Mullah Omar had died in 2013.

https://twitter.com/ZafarHashemi/status/626417739838681088

“The government of Afghanistan believes that grounds for the Afghan peace talks are more paved now than before, and thus calls on all armed opposition groups to seize the opportunity and join the peace process,” the statement added.

Earlier, a former Afghan Taliban minister and member of the central leadership council had revealed to The Express Tribune that Mullah Omar had died owing to Tuberculosis, however, he had not disclose the location of his death.

“Mullah Omar died two years and four months ago owing to Tuberculosis. He has been buried on Afghan side of the border,” the former minister had said on the condition of anonymity.

Further, he added, “Mullah Omar’s son had identified the body of his father.”

Read: Afghan Taliban release Mullah Omar biography amid growing frustration within ranks

Meanwhile, some Afghan government officials told the media in Kabul that the Pakistani government has also conveyed to them that Mullah Omar has died.

The Taliban have not yet commented on reports of Mullah Omar’s death, however, they are mulling a formal response to be release later today.

Read: Mullah Omar endorses ‘political endeavours and peaceful pathways’

Mullah Omar’s successor

The disclosure came as reports of the Afghan Taliban chief’s death sprung up yet again when the Afghan Taliban summoned a meeting on Wednesday to elect a new chief after some leaders of the militant group confirmed Mullah Omar’s death.

The former minister also disclosed that he was invited to attend the meeting.

Taliban sources told The Express Tribune that consultations for a new leader are under way and a successor will be announced before the next round of peace talks scheduled to be held in Pakistan on July 31.

Read: Afghan reconciliation: Mullah Omar’s aide likely to join peace talks

It is widely speculated that Mullah Baradar Akhund will succeed Mullah Omar as the supreme leader of the Afghan Taliban.

Mullah Omar had appointed Mullah Baradar and Mullah Ubaidullah Akhund as deputy leaders while he was alive.

Mullah Ubaidullah died in a jail in Pakistan, according to the Taliban which leaves Mullah Baradar next in line.

Mullah Baradar was reportedly released by Pakistan along with some other Taliban leaders in 2013; however, some Taliban leaders still insist he has not been allowed to rejoin his family.

Read: Doubts and divisions among commanders as Taliban talk peace

Some Taliban leaders told The Express Tribune that Mullah Baradar enjoys the support of Sayed Tayyab Agha, the head of the Afghan Taliban’s political office in Qatar.

Tayyab Agha himself was a close confidante of Mullah Omar. Further, sources say that Mullah Yaqub, the son of Mullah Omar, is also in favour of Mullah Baradar succeeding his father.

Read: Mullah Omar endorses Taliban peace talks

Other Taliban sources say that the incumbent Taliban acting chief Mullah Akhtar Mansoor, a former aviation minister, is also among the few aspiring for this position. However, sources added that Mansoor’s position in the Taliban has been widely damaged for spreading news of Mullah Omar’s death.

Read: The Taliban in Afghanistan

Another choice for Mullah Omar’s successor could be Mullah Yaqub, his son. Yaqub recently graduated from a religious school in Karachi. However, several Taliban leaders are of the view that Yaqub is too young and may be ‘unsuitable’ for the post. A Taliban leader told The Express Tribune that Mullah Omar never wished for someone from his family to succeed him.

Mullah Omar’s brother Mullah Abdul Manan has also been actively involved in Taliban affairs in recent years.

Afghanistan investigating reports of Mullah Omar’s death

An Afghan government official said that a press conference had been called on the subject of Taliban leader Mullah Omar, amid rumours of his death.

The official, who declined to be named because he was not authorised to give statements to the press, did not provide further details.

Further, the Afghan government is investigating reports of the death of Taliban supremo Mullah Omar, a presidential spokesman said.

The announcement from spokesperson Sayed Zafar Hashemi came after unnamed government and militant sources told media that the one-eyed leader died two or three years ago.

“We have seen reports in the media regarding the death of Afghan Taliban leader Mullah Omar,” Hashemi told a press conference.

“We are investigating these reports… and will comment once the accuracy of these reports are confirmed.”

The elusive leader of the militant group, which ruled Afghanistan in the late 1990s until it was toppled by a US-led offensive in 2001, has not been seen in public for years, leading to speculation he has been dead for some time.

The Taliban has been fighting an insurgency against the Western-backed government in Kabul since its ouster, killing thousands of civilians and security personnel and making significant territorial gains in recent months.

Tentative peace talks have begun aimed at ending the war, with the Taliban split between those who support dialogue and others who want to continue to fight for power.
source: http://tribune.com.pk/story/928571/afghan-taliban-leader-mullah-omar-is-dead/

Mullah Omar Father of Taliban Died inside of Pakistan in Karachi

Even in the prime of his life, at the height of his power, it was difficult for anyone to learn about, much less meet, Mullah Omar. He was simply the most reclusive, secretive leader in the world.

Word of his death Wednesday confirmed just how much of a phantom the father of the Taliban had become. Afghan officials said Omar has been dead for "a couple years."

"I can confirm that Mullah Omar is dead," the spokesman for Afghanistan's National Directorate of Security Abdul Hassib Sediqi told NBC News. "According to our intelligence Mullah Omar has died in a hospital in Pakistan a couple years ago."

Mullah Omar was rarely seen or heard. It's believed he was photographed only twice. But his legend was real enough.

He was famously one-eyed, having lost his right eye to a shrapnel injury, one of four he sustained fighting Soviet troops who occupied Afghanistan in the 1990s. He was so adept with an RPG rocket launcher against Soviet armor that he rose quickly.

Mullah Omar is shown in this undated photo from the U.S. National Counterterrorism Center. National Counterterrorism Center / Reuters

His experience as a Mujahadeen commander gave him the confidence to fight another superpower, the United States.

It also taught him to shun any easily traceable means of communication. He sent messages through trusted couriers on tiny, rolled-up pieces of paper, avoiding mobile phones, satellite phones, video recordings —anything that might identify him to an enemy.

The Taliban claim he was born in 1960 to a religious family who lost at least four members fighting the Soviets and Americans. His years fighting Soviet troops in the depths of Afghan winters led to ill health. Reports about his death suggest he had hepatitis, as well as chest and heart trouble.

Omar was one of the world's most wanted men — the U.S. government put a $10 million bounty on his head — because of his leadership of the Taliban insurgency against U.S. and coalition troops following the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan. The Taliban say his uncle was killed on the first day of the American bombardment in October 2001.

But before that he was a head of government, an enforcer and a spiritual leader.

The "Commander of the Faithful," as he became known, created the Taliban in the early 1990s to fight the warlords and the chaos tearing Afghanistan apart after the retreat of Soviet troops. Before the final victory in Kabul, Omar took a shroud thought to have been worn by the Prophet Mohammad and draped himself in it, receiving a rapturous response from fighters who, from then on, saw him as a spiritual and military leader."SIMPLE DRESS, SIMPLE FOOD, SIMPLE TALK, FRANKNESS AND INFORMALITY ARE HIS NATURAL HABITS"

He headed the Taliban council that invited Osama bin Laden, a fellow fighter against the Soviets, to be a guest of the nation in Jalalabad. After 9/11, the council met to decide how to respond to the U.S. demand to hand over bin Laden.

It decided — narrowly, it's believed — to refuse to give him up. That decision led to the overthrow of Omar's government just weeks later. He fled, first to Kandahar and then out of the country.

Little is known of his life after that. Afghan leaders and military commanders say they found it impossible to arrest or kill a man they couldn't identify. It's almost certain he lived in hiding in Pakistan, like bin Laden — probably in the city of Quetta, where he directed the council that led the insurgency against U.S. troops.

It's believed Omar lived humbly, rarely seeing visitors outside his close inner circle. Earlier this year, the Taliban produced a biography of him, claiming he had no home and almost no money but "a special sense of humor."

Mullah Omar in his Youth While in Training with ISI against Russians 

Any sense of humor was lost on a world that saw only a humorless, ruthless Taliban government that banned television, dancing and kite-flying, whose Ministry of Vice and Virtue patrolled the streets beating women for showing an inch of flesh in public.

This undated file photo reportedly shows Taliban supreme leader Mullah Mohammed Omar. ASSOCIATED PRESS, file

But some, especially Omar's fellow ethnic Pashtuns, yearn for the stability he brought as Afghanistan fails to emerge cleanly from decades of corruption and conflict.

For many in the West, Omar was a cartoon villain, one-eyed and blind to the modern world. For his followers, he was, as the Taliban described him recently, "a unique and charismatic personality":

"Contrary to (other) leaders, he does not want to show off. He is not eager or excited to speak if it is unnecessary to do so. And if needed, his words ... are keen, perceptive and logical. He has adopted a simple and plain style in all aspects of his life. Simple dress, simple food, simple talk, frankness and informality are his natural habits."

Omar had been reported dead many times in recent years. The rumors began when he failed to send audio messages, although they had never been frequent. The only evidence he still was alive was an occasional statement on a Taliban website, the most recent being a comment, purported to be from him, supporting recent peace talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government. Reports he died years ago cast serious doubt on the authenticity of those statements.

The latest claim that Omar was dead is equally contentious. It's claimed he died in Quetta two years ago, probably of hepatitis. A senior member of the Afghan Taliban in Pakistan said, "I am 100 percent sure Mullah Omar is dead, but will not share other information until we have chosen his successor."

Who will that be? There appears to be a succession battle, between Omar's eldest son, Yaqoob, and his deputy Mullah Mansour. Even this is disputed: Some say the reports are part of a CIA plot to destabilize the organization at a crucial moment in peace talks and to encourage factional fighting and defections from the Taliban. Several commanders have left this year to join ISIS.

In life and in death, like bin Laden, Omar was hated and hunted by the West while an inspiration and an icon to generations of his followers — a man who stood up to both the major superpowers of the modern era and who refused to betray the guest of his nation to one.

source: http://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/mullah-omar-dead-father-afghanistans-taliban-died-pakistan-n400451

Myth of Taliban Leader Mullah Omar and Was he Really a Leader ?

Mullah Muhammad Omar Taliban Founder of Nookar of Punjabi Establishment 

Whether or not Mullah Omar is dead or alive, his long absence from public view is posing a growing threat to the strength of his splintering Afghan Taliban movement.

"Where is Mullah Omar?" is a question sources say is being increasingly and angrily directed at the commander regarded as the acting head, Akhtar Mohammad Mansour.

Commander Mansour has long been reported to be fighting off threats to his authority from more hardline Taliban opposed to any peace talks, including Abdul Qayum Zakir.

The Taliban are also facing a growing challenge from the still small, but increasingly significant presence of the so-called Islamic State in Afghanistan. Videos have emerged of disgruntled Taliban fighters swearing allegiance to the IS's self-declared Caliph Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.

The Iraqi cleric, who also declared a modern day caliphate in areas under IS control in Iraq and Syria, has publicly mocked the religious and political leadership of Mullah Omar.

Baghdadi ISIS Leader 

Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the leader of the Islamic State militia, has ridiculed Mullah Omar's leadership
Fragile unity

In a Taliban movement said to be founded on a pledge of allegiance to the Amir ul-Mumineen (Commander of the Faithful), Mullah Omar's authority was regarded as a binding force of political and military strength.

"I really hope peace talks are concluded before Mullah Omar dies," a former senior Taliban official nervously remarked to me several years ago with unexpected candour about the movement's leader. "When he's gone, it will be much harder to maintain Taliban unity," he admitted with palpable concern.

Our conversation, outside Afghanistan, took place at a time when Nato-led forces were killing many mid-level Taliban commanders in their operations in southern Afghanistan. That was raising concern that younger, more radicalised fighters, without a strong allegiance to the Taliban leader, would rise through the ranks and be hard to keep in line.

In 2010, when US diplomats first engaged in face-to-face talks with the Taliban through what later became known as the movement's Political Office in the Gulf state of Qatar, they first sought to establish that the Talibs were acting with Mullah Omar's authority. At the time, US diplomats involved in the process told me credible assurances were received that Syed Tayyab Agha, his former personal secretary, had his blessing.

That green light was, however, said to be strictly limited to negotiations with the Americans about Taliban prisoners and the presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan.

They eventually resulted in last year's swap of the remaining American soldier in Taliban captivity, Bowe Bergdahl, for five Taliban members held at Guantanamo Bay.

Taliban Office in Qatar 

Negotiations through the Taliban's political office in Qatar had to be approved by Mullah Omar
Seal of legitimacy

This year, in the midst of a series of unprecedented informal meetings between the Taliban's Political Office and Afghan government officials, Taliban sources emphasised they still did not have formal authorisation from Mullah Omar to negotiate officially and openly with the Afghan government.

That again raised the most salient issue: how to get a ruling from a leader who has not been seen in public since late 2001 when the Taliban movement was ousted in Afghanistan after the attacks of 11 September. Even his recorded messages stopped several years ago.

Taliban officials often insisted their leader had to keep an exceptionally low profile because of US efforts to kill or capture him. But he was widely rumoured to be in Pakistan, despite Islamabad's denials. A senior Afghan official told me a few years ago that the Americans had confirmed to him that Mullah Omar was living in the southern Pakistani city of Karachi.

This month, a written message from Mullah Omar suddenly appeared, to mark the Islamic Eid Festival. It did not directly refer to a new separate process of peace talks being organised by the Pakistani government which represented the first publicly recognised formal talks.

But the text said "peaceful interactions with the enemies is not prohibited" under Islamic tradition. It led to speculation over whether the message had been written by Mullah Omar himself, or someone who wanted his seal of legitimacy.

Reports of the Taliban leader's death have circulated for years but these latest ones have now emerged just days before another round of peace talks in Pakistan is about to get under way at the end of this month.

They also come at a time of disagreement over who should represent the Taliban in any negotiations with the Afghan government.

Sources say Pakistani military intelligence officers, who have long had close ties to the Taliban, are urging Taliban field commanders they have worked with to come to the table instead of members of the Political Office in Qatar with whom they have had difficult relations.
Powerful figurehead

Afghan President Ashraf Ghani, who has adopted a new policy of working closely with the Pakistan government and military on Taliban issues, is said to be giving Islamabad considerable leeway in a negotiating process making slow and indeterminate progress.

Before the first round of talks in the Pakistani hill resort of Murree in early July, Mr Ghani was said to be under mounting pressure to abandon his approach to Pakistan, which was markedly different from his predecessor Hamid Karzai's strained relations with Islamabad.

And there's the larger question of how committed Taliban commanders are to a political process when they continue to conduct bloody attacks not just against military and police targets but also brazen assaults on Afghan civilians everywhere from crowded markets to the country's national assembly.

Numerous countries are known to have been involved for years in secret and not so secret efforts to bring the Taliban to the table including China, Norway, Britain, and some private mediation groups.

The legitimacy conveyed by the mythical Mullah Omar was always regarded as essential even if the reclusive leader had long ceased to be involved in the day-to-day running of the movement.

Now the issue of who can replace such a powerful figurehead is emerging as one of the most significant challenges to its survival as a cohesive political and military force.

source: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-33701790

Punjabi Taliban Terrorist members Arrested in Rome for Peshawar Bomb Blast in Meena Bazar Killing Thousands

Punjabi Taliban Arrested inn Rome for Peshawar Bomb Blast 

Lashkar Jhangavi and Lashkar Tayaba Punjabi Taliban Made by our Punjabi Establishment to Invade Afghanistan and Kashmir  who were part of Taliban who attacked Peshawar frequently as they were allowed space in FATA by Our Military Intelligence Agencies for the Purpose of Attacking Afghanistan were frequently found to Attack Peshawar and Would Spare Punjab as they belonged to Punjabi establishment . These Same Punjabi Taliban also were part of Al-Qaeda and Also Protected Osama Bin laden and also provided them Protection under State Patronage. 

ROME: A Pakistani suspected of involvement in the Peshawar market bombing — one of the country's bloodiest attacks — has been arrested in Rome, Italian police said on Friday.

The man, who has been living in Italy, is accused of taking part in the attack in 2009 in which 134 died, including many women and children.


He was held at Rome's Fiumicino airport after stepping off a flight from Pakistan.

Anti-terrorist police believe he also hid a “suspected suicide attacker who was supposed to carry out an attack” in Italy.

In April, Italy claimed to have dismantled an Islamist terror cell on the island of Sardinia led by two former bodyguards of Osama bin Laden who were plotting a possible attack on the Vatican.

Arrest warrants were issued for 18 people, several of whom are also suspected of being part of militant networks in Pakistan.

Nine were arrested across Italy, including three on Sardinia.

The Vatican has played down the threat to the pope's life.

source : http://www.dawn.com/news/1190574/italy-arrests-pakistani-accused-of-bloody-2009-peshawar-bombing

21st Amendment of Constitution and Defence of Pakistan was Needless Actions Army Had Enough Powers Already

SC questions need for amendment in Army Act in the presence of Article 245, says govt could have invoked Article 6 of PPC to invoke treason charges against terror suspects
Justice Khawaja says president’s accord prior to Parliament’s akin to signing decision after accused is hanged

Hearing petitions against the 18th and 21st constitutional amendments on Tuesday, a 17-member full court bench of the Supreme Court (SC), headed by Chief Justice of Pakistan Justice Nasirul Mulk, observed that the federal government could invoke treason charges under Article 6 of Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) relating to terrorism against the State instead of trying terror suspects in military courts.

During the hearing, Justice Asif Saeed Khosa remarked that “bringing certain matters under the military courts as administrative arrangements during a democratic era is also dictatorship”.

“How can we allow it? There was no need of the 21st Amendment after the military leadership had directed the federal government to make amendment for formation of military courts. What was the need to make amendment in Army Act in the presence of Article 245? It is said in the preface of 21st Amendment that this amendment is aimed at providing constitutional protection to military courts.”

Moreover, Justice Dost Muhammad Khan remarked, “The successful operation conducted in Swat was conducted under Article 245 and not under military courts. If the situation can improve in Swat, why not elsewhere? What is the need left for formation of military courts?”

Furthermore, Justice Jawwad S Khawaja remarked, “If the government can call in Army under Article 245 for fear of revolt, it could be done so now too. There was no need for formation of military courts. Signing by the president prior to approval of Parliament is as if any accused is hanged without trial.”

Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) Nasirul Mulk said that dictatorships have reigned over the country despite their way was blocked in the Constitution of 1973.

Earlier, Attorney General (AG) Salman Butt told SC that all the details of trial by military courts have been obtained and will be provided in the form of a video.

Butt said that military courts have been set up in order to speed up the trials of those accused of terrorism as in the previous year, 85 per cent of terrorism cases were left pending by civil courts. He contended that militants have spilled over to other areas thus demanding swifter action from the government.

“If 500 terrorists attack from behind Margalla hills, will the Army see towards the decision of high court and Supreme Court?”

The AG said amendment was made for formation of military courts keeping in view the situation of the country. “India also made temporary amendment in Article 59 of its Constitution. Amendment in Army Act and 21st Amendment were passed in National Assembly simultaneously. In Senate, the amendment in Army Act was approved first and 21st Amendment was passed later,” he said.

The AG said all the things had become clear in Liaquat Hussain case. “I will come to the fact on Wednesday and will provide the details about trial in military courts. These all will be in the form of a video,” he said.

The hearing was adjourned till today (Wednesday).

Military courts were agreed upon by the political leadership under the National Action Plan (NAP) against terrorism adopted in December after the Peshawar school tragedy in which 150 students and staff lost their lives.

The Parliament later amended the Constitution and the Army Act to pave the way for the establishment of military courts for a period of two years. The Army has set up nine courts — three each in KP and Punjab, two in Sindh and one in Balochistan.

SOURCE : http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2015/06/23/national/sc-renders-military-courts-needless/

Ebola ( Congo Virus ) Strikes Hayatabad Medical Complex Peshawar

Govt not prepared to prevent outbreak.

PESHAWAR: Two suspected Congo virus patients died in Hayatabad Medical Complex’s isolation ward. The deceased were Afghan nationals who had come to the city for medical assistance.

HMC medics said Muhammad Hashim was admitted to the facility on Tuesday. His blood samples were taken and he was shifted to an isolation ward where he passed away during the early hours of Wednesday. Similarly, 20-year-old Zahir, a resident of Jalalabad, Afghanistan was brought to HMC on June 5 and passed away on June 8 before he could be diagnosed with the virus.

The two cases push the tally of suspected Congo carriers brought to the hospital from the neighbouring country to four this year. The deaths have put the provincial government on alert as the province and tribal areas are at risk.



The Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa government has taken all preventive measures to counter Congo virus, however, the number of suspected patients arriving from Afghanistan has set alarm bells ringing.

Talking to The Express Tribune, K-P Health Services Director General Dr Pervez Kamal said no case of Congo virus has been reported in the province so far and that “all measures have been taken to ensure the virus does not spread.”

“All necessary steps have been taken. We have collected blood samples of patients as well as their family members and forwarded them to the federal capital for examination.” He said that while results are awaited, even suspected carriers are kept in isolation ward.

Over the past few months, the number of patients at HMC from across the border with symptoms similar to those of the virus has increased.

Earlier, 30-year-old Abdul Saboor, a resident of Kabul, Afghanistan, was shifted to an isolation room on similar grounds. Qudratullah, hailing from Mazar-e-Sharif, was also admitted and his blood samples were obtained. However he left the hospital soon after. Test results of both individuals are still awaited.

Published in The Express Tribune, June 11th, 2015.
source: http://tribune.com.pk/story/901458/in-isolation-suspected-congo-virus-carriers-die-at-hmc/

RAW OR RAWHEEL SHARIF ???

The Pervaiz Rasheed affair

PERVEZ HOODBHOY — The writers teaches physics in Islamabad and Lahore.

PERVAIZ HOODBHOY 

When Information Minister Pervaiz Rasheed spoke at the Karachi Arts Council on May 3, he stated the self-evident. Without explicitly naming madressahs, he said large numbers of factories mass-produce ignorance in Pakistan through propagating “murda fikr” (dead knowledge). They use loudspeakers as tools, leaving well over two million young minds ignorant, confused, and confounded. The early tradition of Muslim scholars and scientists was very vibrant and different, he said. But now blind rote learning and use of books like Maut ka manzar — marnay kay baad kya hoga? (Spectre of death — what happens after you die?) is common.

That last reference made me sit up. A best-seller in Pakistan for decades, I had bought and read my copy some 40 years ago and have since re-read it from time to time. My fascination with it, as with Dante’s Inferno, comes from the carefully detailed, blood-curdling horrors that await us in the grave and then beyond. One part of the book reports upon conversations between the inhabitants of heaven and hell. Another section specifies punishments for grave dwellers guilty of treating one of two wives unequally, disobeying one’s mother, owning more houses than necessary, or urinating incorrectly. While doubtless of grave importance, the minister’s point is easy to see.

The speech was extempore, and the minister rambled. Yet he set off a firestorm. Accused of making fun of Islamic books and Islamic teachings, clerics across Pakistan competed to denounce him. Authored by an extremist sectarian outfit, the JASWJ, banners on Islamabad’s roads appeared. They demanded that Rasheed be publicly hanged. Taken down by the police, they reappeared elsewhere. The police accosted those putting them up, but withdrew after being confronted by youthful stick-bearing students from an illegally constructed madressah in Islamabad’s posh F-6/4 area — one of the scores of other such madressahs in the city. The police chief expressed his views frankly: he was not equipped to take on religious extremists and suicide bombers.
The episode involving the information minister illustrates the present condition of state and society.

The story gets curiouser. Mufti Naeem — the powerful cleric of Karachi’s Jamia Binoria who had issued the fatwa of apostasy on Mr Rasheed — was a guest on a TV television talk show broadcast live on May 24. He reaffirmed his fatwa at the outset of the conversation. The two other guests were the Punjab law minister, Rana Sanaullah, and myself. One might have expected the law minister to insist on the rule of law, and to challenge the extrajudicial sentence passed against a colleague who sits with him in the cabinet. On the contrary, Mr Sanaullah expressed his high regard for the mufti and the mufti duly returned the compliment, expressing his delight at the minister’s recent reappointment.

The pressure on Rasheed was unbearable. Many, including the minister of defence, rushed to offer explanations and excuses for his May 3 speech. Privately they agree with him but taking a public position is another matter. Mr Rasheed too has retreated since and apologised, claiming he has been misunderstood. He was later seen at a dastarbandi (graduation) ceremony at the Al-Khalil Qur’an Complex in Rawalpindi where he distributed prizes to madressah students who had memorised the Quran. By doing so, he showed his lack of keenness in following in the footsteps of governor Salmaan Taseer.

Irrespective of the final outcome, or the personality of the individual, the Pervaiz Rasheed episode starkly illustrates the present condition of state, society, and politics in Pakistan today. One takes from it some important conclusions.

First, the urban-based clerical establishment grows bolder by the day, believing it can take on even sitting ministers or, if need be, generals. They have many tanks and nuclear weapons but didn’t Islamabad’s Lal Masjid — now grandly reconstructed — finally triumph over the Pakistan Army? Even though the clerics lost 150 students and other fighters, the then army chief sits in the dock, accused of quelling an armed insurrection against Pakistan and killing one of its ringleaders. Chastened by this episode and others, the establishment now seeks to appease the mullah. Not a single voice in government defended the information minister. Like the brave Sherry Rehman, who was also abandoned by her own party in a similar crisis situation, he was left to fend for himself.

Second, by refusing to own the remarks of its own information minister the government has signalled its retreat on a critical front — madressah reform. This part of the National Action Plan to counter terrorism involves financial audits of madressahs, revealing funding sources, curriculum expansion and revision, and monitoring of activities. Some apparent urgency was injected after Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar’s off-the-cuff remark earlier this year that about 10pc of madressahs were extremist. Even if one-third of this is true, this suggests that there are many hundreds of such seminaries. Plans for dealing with them have apparently been shelved once again.

Third, one sees that open television access was given to clerics and other hardliners who claimed that Mr Rasheed had forfeited his right to be called a Muslim. This is clear incitement to murder since a good fraction of society believes that apostates need to be eliminated. Such ideological extremism on TV is far too common these days to deserve much comment. Still, it is remarkable that a serving minister — and that too of information and communications — was allowed to be targeted. Has Pemra also fallen in the hands of extremist sympathisers?

For a while the Peshawar massacre had interrupted the deep slumber of Pakistan’s military and civil establishment. That those who slaughtered children at the Army Public School were not agents of India, Israel, or America came as a huge shock. It turned out that the killers were religious fanatics who saw their acts as paving their path to al-jannah. But dealing with this disturbing reality requires more wisdom and courage than Pakistan’s establishment can presently muster. It is lulling itself back to sleep by tossing more bombs into Waziristan, and lazily blaming five subsequent massacres upon RAW’s hidden hand. This is infinitely easier than dealing with the enemy within. Unfortunately it cannot work.

SOURCE : http://www.dawn.com/news/1186434

Taliban Khan PTI sets Malalaa Yousafzai Attackers Taliban Terrorists Free in Secretly

Malalaa Yousafzai 

Eight of the 10 men reportedly jailed for the attempted assassination of Pakistani schoolgirl Malala Yousafzai were actually set free, it has emerged.

In April, officials said that 10 Taliban fighters had been found guilty and received 25-year jail terms. But sources have now confirmed that only two of the men who stood trial were convicted.

The secrecy surrounding the trial, which was held behind closed doors, raised suspicions over its validity. The court judgement - seen for the first time on Friday more than a month after the trial - claims that the two men convicted were those who shot Ms Yousafzai in 2012.

It was previously thought that both the gunmen and the man who ordered the attack had fled to Afghanistan.

Muneer Ahmed, a spokesman for the Pakistani High Commission in London, said on Friday that the eight men were acquitted because of a lack of evidence.

Saleem Marwat, the district police chief in Swat, Pakistan, separately confirmed that only two men had been convicted.

Mr Ahmed claimed that the original court judgement made it clear only two men had been convicted and blamed the confusion on misreporting.

But Sayed Naeem, a public prosecutor in Swat, told the Associated Press news agency after the trial: "Each militant got 25 years in jail. It is life in prison for the 10 militants who were tried by an anti-terrorist court." In Pakistan, a life sentence is 25 years.

Source : http://nation.com.pk/national/05-Jun-2015/malala-attackers-secretly-acquitted?

Afghanistan Wakhan-China Transit Route to Enter Planning Stage

Tuesday, 04 November 2014 18:50Written by Anwar Hashimi

Agreement Signed to Connect Afghanistan to china By Passing Pakistan 

Afghan officials have said a delegation of Chinese officials will soon travel to Afghanistan to begin the planning process for the construction of a trade and transit route connecting Afghanistan to China through the northeastern Wakhan Corridor.

The Afghanistan Chamber of Commerce and Industries (ACCI) said that construction of a short and inexpensive trade and transit route between China and Afghanistan is something both countries have agreed to and plant to implement in the near future.

According to the ACCI, a tentative agreement was made between President Ghani and the Chinese government to build the route as part of their broader new initiative to increase trade and diplomatic relations, which was launched during Ghani's trip to Beijing over a week ago.

The Afghan delegation that visited China with Ghani included 27 representatives of the private sector, many of who have expressed optimism about the potential future for economic ties between the two countries.

The ACCI has touted China's interest in investing in mining, agriculture, infrastructure, banking, energy and trade in Afghanistan. The delegation expected to arrive in Afghanistan soon, which will assess the Wakhan-China route plan, will also consider other investment opportunities while on their visit.

"The agreement was signed by the Afghanistan Chamber of Commerce and Industries and the Federation of Trade Recourse of China and the issues were discussed and will be implemented soon," said Atiqullah Nasrat, the Acting Chief of ACCI.

Route Will By Pass Pakistan which is trying to Delay the Western Corridor 

Meanwhile, Afghan investors have said they hope the Afghan government will be able to see through the commitments it has made for opening up trade with China. "We hope that the government of Afghanistan will be able to implement the agreements soon," an investor named Sakhai Payman said.

Others called for a more cohesive, comprehensive strategic plan from the government. "A strategic policy should be announced in Afghanistan then anyone will be able to see the strategy of Afghanistan and they will feel safe and then they will invest," another investor named Abdul Jabar Safi said.

But officials at ACCI and other experts have warned that insecurity remains a major concern for foreign investors from China and elsewhere. Before any implementation can take place, they say, security for investors and their projects must be guaranteed.
source : http://www.tolonews.com/en/afghanistan/16998-bussiness-today

PushKalavati Museum Peshawar made in the House of Ghani Khan Son of Bach Khan

Pushkalavati Museum Peshawar Made in Donated House of Ghani Khan son of Bacha Khan  

Sher Alam Shinwari Published Mar 15, 2014 07:00am


BUILT in 2011 at a huge cost, Pushkalavati Museum and Ghani Khan Art Gallery in district Charsadda is yet to be handed over to the Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Peshawar.

Earlier, Ghani Derai Complex comprising a public library and hall was built in 2002 at a cost of Rs7.5 milliaon over a hollow sandy mound, however, it collapsed due to loose-filling and excessive seepage.

The Ghani Derai Complex was handed over by the Directorate of Archives and Libraries to the Directorate of Archaeology and Museums in 2006 in the shape of a liability.

A huge amount was allocated for repair and renovation of Ghani Derai Complex but soon it crumbled down. An inquiry was initiated against the contractor but it was also shelved. The public library had to be shifted to Pushkalavati Museum’s basement two years ago.

“The Ghani Derai Complex is still in ruins and the Directorate of Archaeology and Museums has taken no step in this regard,” said Muflis Durrani, the vice president of Ghani Khan Adabi Au Saqafati Jirga.

About 60 members of the Jirga, he said, held various literary and cultural events on different occasions every year at the site. He said that the officials concerned should take interest in rebuilding and restoration of both the sites.

According to local people, two watchmen, one gardener, one peon and one sweeper, appointed on permanent basis for Pushkalavati Museum and Ghani Khan Art Gallery, are getting salaries at their homes because the structure has not been commissioned by the Directorate of Archaeology and Museums.

The newly built museum has not been commissioned by the Directorate of Archaeology and Museums from the communication and works department owing to its reservations regarding the faulty construction and seepage problem.

Local people say that seepage is damaging the walls of the complex and its three display halls comprising 96 shelves are also lying empty as no artifacts are exhibited in them.

The Ghani Derai Complex, which has no permanent staff, is being run through a grant in-aid of Rs5 million approved by the provincial finance department.

Currently, an 11 grade assistant librarian is running the public library with a total membership of 300 while the grant in-aid has been increased to Rs8 million.

A senior official at the Directorate of Archaeology and Museums on the condition of anonymity told this scribe that the fate of Pushkalavati Museum and Ghani Art Gallery seemed to be no different from that of Ghani Derai Complex for want of interest of the authorities concerned.

“We have written a detailed letter to the communication and works department to remove our reservations and hand over the structure so that it could be made operational otherwise it would be crumbled down. Also, we have asked them to restore Ghani Derai Complex but unfortunately nobody is taking interest,” he said.

The official said that the inquiry was also dumped because the contractor belonged to the then ruling political party.

Director Archaeology and Museums Prof Mohammad Nasim Khan, when contacted, said that being an archeologist he would not recommend reconstruction of Ghani Derai public library and hall on hollow deposit, however, it could be shifted to another site.

“The permanent employees have been deputed to perform duty at other sites scattered in the district till the Pushkalavati Museum comes under our control,” he said.

He said that the directorate would arrange a visit to the site in near future.

“Filling empty shelves with display items is no issues. We have lots of items being kept in our stores of directorate. We have also sufficient funds for purchasing more display items for Pushkalavati Museum from amateur local collectors. Once it gets properly commissioned and our reservations regarding seepage are removed, the directorate can make it operational,” Prof Khan said.

The post of assistant curator for the said museum was still lying vacant while two watchmen, one peon, one gardener, and one sweeper were appointed on permanent basis, he said. However, the services of two watchmen, a peon, one sweeper and one gardener already serving since 2002 at Ghani Derai Complex were yet to be regularised, he added.

The director said that a post for a 16 grade assistant librarian for the public library would be advertised soon.

An office-bearer of Ghani Khan Adabi Au Saqafati Jirga said that they had formed a committee comprising senior writers, intellectuals and poets to meet Chief Minister Pervez Khattak to resolve the issues regarding both the structures.

“We want Ghani Derai to be rebuilt on firm foundations so that literary and cultural activities can be restarted here,” he said. He said that senior members of the Jirga should also be included in the staff to ensure its faultless reconstruction and smooth running of its affairs.

Different literary and cultural organisations plan to commemorate the 18th death anniversary of noted Pashto poet, painter and sculptor Ghani Khan today (Saturday).
source : http://www.dawn.com/news/1093190

Living Hell of Chitral Residents-Story of Lowari Tunnel

Why Punjabi Establishment run by Racist Punjabi's who always thinks of Plans to Belittle and Make Pakhtunkhwa Backward and slave to Punjabi's ,  have delayed the Lowari Tunnel Project that was Approved in 1970,s but is still not completed and is Made to Stall Deliberatively , as its in Situated in Pakhtunkhwa and Connects the Mardan and Dir to Chitral and it cuts down Journey Time to Chitral from 14 Hours to 5 Hours only . 


Victims of Punjabi Racism who Wants to Punish Chitralis and Also Change the Route of Pakistan China Economic Route has Stalled the Lowari tunnel More Shorter then Gilgit , Abbottabad Route which is not in straight line with Kashghar and longer then the Gilgit , Chitral and Dir Mardan Route , which Amritsar Indian Born Ex- Sikhs Punjabi Nawaz Government had selected to Serve Lahore .
They Plan to delay this Tunnel to 2020 , from its Planned Completion in 2010 already Passed and Chitralis and Dir Residents are cut off and live in Hell , Read this Incredible Story of People of Pakhtunkhwa Pushed to Living hell by Prejudiced Punjabi's . 

Pakistan Lowari: Frozen travelers trapped by an unfinished tunnel

By M Ilyas Khan

Water dripping from the top of the crumbling, cave-like opening of an unfinished tunnel in northern Pakistan forms into icicles, accentuating the bite of a freezing January morning.

About a kilometre down the valley behind, a large huddle of passenger vans, trucks and cars waits for the tunnel to open. They have been here for many endless hours.

Bi Weekly Lowari Tunnel Traffic 

In one rented vehicle is the coffin and body of an old woman on way to her own funeral, but she is running late.

On the other side of the mountain, in her home village, people have already gathered for the burial.

Anxiety is writ large on the face of her son, Wali Ahmad, a soldier in the Pakistani army and a resident of Chitral district, located on the far side of the 8.6km (5.2-mile) Lowari tunnel.

Faces of  Ordeal 

Wali Ahmed worries that he might not get his mother's body to her own funeral on time

"My mother died in Peshawar. Now we have to take her home for burial. We don't know if they will open the tunnel in time for us to make it there in daylight," he says.

It's at least three hours' drive to his village of Golen from where he's standing. It's already approaching midday, and the towering mountains of the Hindu Kush range shut off the winter sunlight from most of Chitral's 34 branch valleys after 4pm.

At a little over 7,000 feet (2,500m) above sea level, the tunnel is the only exit route in winter for the 500,000 population of Chitral.

Dozens of loaded trucks are parked every few kilometres along the rocky, broken mountain road that winds up from the town of Dir to the tunnel.

Some drivers have lit gas cylinders beneath the engines to keep them warm and prevent the pipes from bursting due to freezing temperatures.

Mohammad Qasim Khan, a resident of Drosh area in Chitral, is the head of another party waiting for the tunnel to open.

"My daughter's just been operated for appendicitis, and my cousin got a rod fixed in his left leg which suffered a fracture," he says.

Faces of Misery 

In need of rest - but they are stuck in a car waiting for the chance to get through

"They can't stand the cold and the wait, but we are told the tunnel is closed. We drove some eight hours from a hospital in Peshawar, and now we've been stuck in this wilderness for more than six hours. There's no food or heating here, and there are no toilets."

It is the same story on the Chitral side of the tunnel - residents taking sick relatives to hospitals in Peshawar, students and job seekers trying to make it to their appointed interviews, and workers with jobs in the Gulf fretting over whether they'll be able to catch their flights from Peshawar and Islamabad.

All these people are caught in a gridlock that started when the government suddenly decided to reschedule work on the tunnel ahead of this winter.

The fortunes of the people of Chitral have fluctuated with the fortunes of the Lowari tunnel project.

Lowari Tunnel has been delayed for last 40 Years 

In summers, a road built by the British over the 10,230ft (3,140m) Lowari Pass links them to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, of which Chitral is a part. But the pass closes in mid-December due to snow.

Two other passes - one connecting Chitral to the Afghan province of Badakhshan, and the other linking it to Pakistan's north-eastern Gilgit-Baltistan region - are more than 12,000 feet high and also remain snowbound in winters.

The region's only natural all-weather route passes through its south-western town of Arandu into Afghanistan, and follows a southward route via the Afghan provinces of Kunar and Ningarhar into Pakistan's Peshawar valley.

But that is no longer an option.

"The Arandu route closed when a Pakistani military operation in the Swat region in 2009 pushed Islamist militants into the Kunar region," says Shahzada Iftikharuddin, Chitral's representative in Pakistan's national parliament.

"This happened when the Americans wound up their bases in the Kunar region, making it possible for these militants to set up sanctuaries there. A number of Chitrali travellers were held and beheaded by them in 2010."

Chitral Scouts have helped maintain security along this perilous route

The tunnel was commissioned in late 2005, and by 2008 the construction contractor, Sambu JV of South Korea, had dug the 8.6km tunnel all the way through. But funding for the project stopped when a new government took over.

Over the next few years, this unfinished tunnel remained open for winter traffic.

In 2011, when some funds became available and work commenced, public use of the tunnel was restricted to three alternate days in a week. This catered to the needs of the locals and there was no crisis.

But after the first snow in late November this year, the commuters were shocked to discover that a new standard operating procedure (SOP) permitted three days of transit through the tunnel only every two weeks instead of one.

Hundreds of people were stranded in the snow. Those with money had to spend weeks in Dir town's hotel rooms. Others slept in their vehicles or turned back.

Commuters walk along the ridge to try and find out what the delay with the tunnel is

In Chitral, food supplies became scarce, sparking protests that finally forced the authorities to revise the SOP and open the tunnel twice a week - on Saturdays and Sundays - for six hours a day.

The authorities defend the new arrangement as the only viable balance between human suffering and project completion.

"The project cost has escalated from 5bn rupees to 18bn, and we have to pay penalties to the contractor for idle hours," says Hameed Hussain, the project director of Lowari tunnel.

Besides, six hours of public traffic pushes carbon levels inside the tunnel beyond human tolerance.

"We need an extra four to five hours to ventilate the tunnel before the workers can get to work safely," he says.

Inside of Unfinished Tunnels since 1978 

And there is still a lot of work to do.

At the moment, there is no proper lighting in the tunnel, no exhaust system and no emergency services.

Most of the tunnel is still without the shotcrete lining, retaining walls or a metalled road. Water seepage from the ceiling and walls forms into puddles on the floor.

In addition, the widening process leaves the tunnel floor strewn with debris, causing traffic jams inside the tunnel and endangering those travelling in open vehicles.

Mr Hussain says he recovered four persons from a truck that had broken down inside the tunnel last week. All of them had fainted.

But bound by towering mountains on all sides, the people of Chitral are just too desperate not to take a chance with this drive through hell.

Naila Shahid

Naila Shahid missed an interview for a job she was sure she would get because of the snows and the tunnel

And those who can't make it, rue it.

Naila Shahid is one of them.

A graduate in environmental sciences, she had to miss an interview for an assistant professor's job at a university in Dir district because that would mean living in a hotel room for a whole week - a social and financial impropriety.

"I was on top of the merit list. I received a call to appear for the interview. I knew I couldn't make it because the tunnel would have closed by the time I was finished and would next open only on the following Saturday," she says.

"There is no male member of the family available to accompany me for a week in a strange land. I cried last night. This job would have helped me enroll for a doctorate."

The new deadline for the tunnel's completion is 2017. Until then, every time the snows block the passes, many funerals are likely to be missed, many careers suffer setbacks and many tears are shed in Chitral.

Lowari Tunnel Traffic 

source: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-25972898

Pashtuns of Baluchistan Victim of Identity Crises and Political Power

Pakhtuns in Balochistan are  90% of Its Population 

Talimand Khan


Ignoring Pakhtuns, the Balochistan issue is mainly presented through the prism of Baloch’s eroded autonomy and lack of control over their resources

Pakhtuns in the province of Balochistan are victims of linear injustice. The most painful and mind-boggling aspect is the blurred understanding of the Balochistan issue among the common Pakistanis as well as intelligentsia. The Balochistan issue is mainly presented through the prism of Baloch’s eroded autonomy and lack of control over their resources in post-independence era. Yet, unlike Pakhtuns, living in the Balochistan province they do not face loss of identity, autonomy and status as major stakeholders.

Perhaps, Pakhtun is the only ethnic group, particularly in Balochistan, whose sufferings began with the advent of the British in the subcontinent and continues hitherto. In the post-independence era, especially in the 1970s, another layer of injustice was added by depriving them of whatever was left by the colonial power.

Baluchistan a Wrong Name and Misnomer and Creation of British : 

Before the British occupation, the name of Balochistan never existed in history to represent a geo-physical entity that was named by the British as British Balochistan and later by Pakistan as the province of Balochistan in the Constitution of 1973.

The Baloch and Brahvi were predominantly living in four princely states — 

1. Kalat, 

2. Kharan, 

3. Lasbela 

4.and Makran. 

Lasbela was  enjoying internal autonomy with a predominantly Baloch Tribal areas ( Still Under Article 247 as tribal Areas ) , Baluchis People of these tribal Areas although a Minority gave the name Baluchistan to this new British Created area . 

1. Marri,
2. Bugti,
3. Chagai
4. and Sinjrani

Khan of Kalat as Head Baluchistan Under Pashtun Durrani Afghan Empire before 1841. 

State of Kalat and its Khan of Kalat , was was Vasal of Afghanistan under ther Durrani Empire of Pashtuns, In the aftermath of the first Anglo-Afghan War, on October 6, 1841 the British handed over Quetta to Khan of Kalat on the occasion of his coronation.

Previously the State of Kalat under Khan of Kalat , remaining as a vassal of the Afghan kingdom of Pashtuns Durrani who,s rule also extended to Sind Karachi and over India till Delhi and Lahore .

State of Kalat carried immense strategic importance for the British expedition in Afghanistan.The British got Nasirabad and Nushki on lease from the Khan of Kalat. The strategic importance of Nushki was to extend railway line to the border of Iran.

The British also extracted the areas of Pishin, Sibi, Chaman, Shahrig, Shora Rud, comprising 95 percent Pakhtun population from Afghanistan that were called assigned districts under the infamous Gandamak Treaty signed on May 26, 1879 at Jalalabad Near Peshawar .

Pashtuns were now Named as British Balochistan a Missnomer although not still being considered a Province as Yet but area joined with NWFP / Pakhtunkhwa and being seperated from Durrand Line from Afghanistan to which it Previously Belonged . 

Ultimately, on November 1, 1887, the areas with 90 per cent of Pakhtun population were declared as Chief Commissioner Province of British Balochistan.

The British officer and later colonial governor of the then North West Frontier Province (NWFP), Sir Olaf Caroe, admitted it was a misnomer given by the British. He suggested that it should be named British Afghanistan while Sir Herbert Aubrey Francis Metcalfe (agent to governor general for British Balochistan 1943) said that it should be named as British Pathanistan instead of British Balochistan.

In 1947, the members of the official jirga and Quetta municipality decided on behalf of the Chief Commissioner Province of the British Balochistan to join the state of Pakistan, whereas the lower and upper house of the Kalat State repudiated the accession of the Khan of Kalat in favour of Pakistan.

Until June 30, 1970, the Chief Commissioner Province of the British Balochistan and the Baloch areas, mostly comprising the princely states, never remained as one administrative unit in the history.

In 1952, the princely states of Kalat, Kharan, Makran and Lasbela were named as Balochistan States Union. In 1955, the Chief Commissioner Province of British Balochistan was named as Quetta Division and three states Kalat, Kharan and Makran of Balochistan States of Union along with Chagai, extracted from the Chief Commissioner Province, were declared as Kalat Division. Both the divisions had equal representation in the West Pakistan Provincial Assembly. The State of Lasbela was merged into the Karachi Division and Nasirabad was merged into Jacobabad Division that were later returned to Balochistan after the scrapping of one unit.

Further Implementing the British Polices by Punjabi Establishment 

On July 1, 1970, the one unit scheme was abolished by Martial Law Administrator General Yahya Khan. Consequently, the predominantly Pakhtun populated Quetta Division of the former Chief Commission Province and Baloch majority Kalat Division, along with Lasbela and Nasirabad, were merged into the province of Balochistan.

Pashtuns Lost their Identity and became Baluchistan Occupants now, but the final Blow came in Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto time when it was separated from NWFP/ Pakhtunkhwa and NAP/ ANP did not Protest.  

Khan Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai quit the National Awami Party (NAP) in protest over accepting the merger of Pakhtun belt into the Baloch areas and naming them as the province of Balochistan. He formed the Pakhtunkhwa National Awami Party before his martyrdom on December 2, 1973. His son, Mahmood Khan Achakzai, is carrying forward his father’s legacy of democratic struggle.

Political Compromise under a Barrel of a Gun 

Ironically, instead of correcting the injustice committed by the colonial power and the subsequent undemocratic forces, the Constitution of 1973 also endorsed the anomaly adding another ethnic and political fault line to the polarised society of Pakistan.

The leadership of the then NAP, particularly its Pakhtun leaders, either committed a political mistake or made a political compromise by agreeing to the scheme.

The Pakhtun in Balochistan perhaps also seem to be the victim of constituency politics as Pakhtun nationalist leaders from the north were more concerned about the identity and autonomy of the then NWFP and mostly gave a cold shoulder to the identity and autonomy of the southern Pakhtun in Balochistan.

The mainstream media and intelligentsia also ignored this important aspect that added another layer to the problem. Such a blurred understanding would render any solution to the current conflict a superficial one. A lack of attention and preference might be due to a political and democratic struggle adopted by the Pakhtun for attaining their identity and autonomy that seldom attained attention in Pakistan.

It is a rare political issue which is not contested by the Baloch and Pakhtun as the former also recognise the Pakhtun’s rights to identity and autonomy. For instance, Dr Wahid Baloch writes in his essay, “The Solution of Balochistan Problem”, published in The Pakistan Christian Post, “Balochistan’s boundaries need to be redrawn based on historical, ethnic and linguistic line and all Pashtun areas of Balochistan should be joined with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province.”

However, making a choice should be the intrinsic democratic right of Pakhtuns whether they opt for a separate unit referred to as “Southern Pakhtunkhwa” by them or prefer to merge with other Pakhtun areas as a unit representing their historical ethnic identity on this side of the Durand Line.

Instead of redressing the colonial era injustices after independence, our security paranoid establishment further confounded the fault lines. Pakistan needs to bridge every fault line rather than take on only terrorism to bring peace and political stability. Needless to say that terrorism is just one manifestation of the flawed security paradigm.
source: http://tns.thenews.com.pk/pakhtuns-in-balochistan/#.VPIvR_mUega

Why Punjabi Establishment wants to Sell Taliban as Pashtuns Resistance erroneously.

Kaptan Taliban Khan PTI 

With a mix of horror and disbelief I watched the footage from Matanai where a school van was ambushed by militants. Even for senses numbed by scores of bombings every year, this came as a shock because the victims were children (aged between 8 to 14 years), and were deliberately targeted. One would think that even the most shameless of villains would not be low enough to own these killings, but within hours the Tehreek I Taliban Pakistan (TTP) proudly claimed full responsibility. Bravo!

The footage of the aftermath showed faces smitten with fear, a little girl, hardly six or seven lay in a state of shock; her blank expression and her blood soaked shirt spoke volumes about the horrors that she went through. Some of the survivors did speak to the media and the noticeable thing about their interviews was that they were either in Pashtu or in heavily accented Urdu.

It is important to highlight the accents and thus ethnicity of these children because the same are often ignored by those who perceive Taliban violence as a Pashtun backlash. Take the Chairman of the Pakistan Tehreek I Insaaf (PTI) for instance; in one of his sermons on YouTube titled “Imran Khan Explains War of Terror and Pakistani Taliban”, he declares the Taliban to be a “Pashtun Resistance”. But, how exactly does a Pashtun Resistance claim mostly Pashtun victims is something that Mr. Khan didn’t elaborate upon.

To prove this argument, references are often made to episodes of Pashtun resistance from the past. But the difference between Taliban leadership and historical figures such as Faqir of Ipi becomes very obvious if one considers their respective target selection. Mullah Powindah, Pir Roshan and Faqir of Ipi were not known for targeting Pashtuns, as all of them had a strong nationalistic bias; i.e. a Pashtun bias. The Taliban however, do not have any of that as proven by the fact that their victims are predominantly Pashtun. It should be obvious that when an insurgency fights in the name of an ethnicity then it does NOT target that ethnicity; the ETA is not known for killing Basques and neither was the Tamil Tigers known for killing Tamils. For this reason, it is downright disrespectful to term Taliban violence as a “Pashtun backlash”, because the Pashtuns themselves are its biggest victims.

While one feels disappointed with the former cricketer, one is absolutely horrified when the same logic is echoed by a group of Pakistan’s “Foreign Policy Elites” (FPE). A recent report by the Jinnah Institute (JI) and the US Institute for Peace (USIP), titled “Pakistan, the United States and the end game in Afghanistan” builds its case on the very same assumption. While the FPE rightly point out that a settlement in Afghanistan should not result in “negative spillovers” or cause “resentment” among Pakistani Pashtuns, their recommendation for ensuring that is quite perplexing, as they want inclusion of the Haqqani Network and the Quetta Shura in any post US setups in Afghanistan.

If such an arrangement is considered necessary for appeasing Pakistani Pashtuns, then the FPE need to move beyond books of history & genealogy, and instead concentrate on recent news reports, electoral results, and opinion surveys. The Pashtuns of Pakistan have been categoric in rejecting the Taliban; in 2008’s general election, the Province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) voted overwhelmingly for anti Taliban parties i.e. the ANP and the PPP. The PEW research survey for 2010 predicts that only 7% of KP approve of the Taliban, while the same is 15% for Pakistan and 22% for Punjab. Furthermore, TTP’s targeting of elected leaders in KP as well as that of the tribal elders of FATA, clearly indicates that the Taliban feel threatened by those who represent Pashtun consensus. This anti Taliban sentiment should be expected, given the chaos and destruction that the TTP has brought upon Pashtun lands.

If our FPE think that the alliance between the Taliban in Pakistan and Afghanistan can be taken care of through some strategic parlaying, then they are sadly mistaken. Whether it’s supporting the Uighars in China, or the refusal to handover Osama, the Afghani Taliban have proven that when it comes to the Global Jihadi fraternity, strategic concerns are not that important to them. Thus, it should be obvious that if the Taliban get strengthened in Afghanistan, then the strengthening of the Pakistani ones is inevitable.

Lest one forgets, this September had quite a few reminders of what that strengthening could entail. Besides the attack on the 13th in Matanai that killed 5, on the 16th a suicide bombing in Dir claimed 27 lives, on the 19th another 8 were killed in Karachi, and on the same day 6 died in an attack on CD shops in Peshawar, and if that was not enough, then on the 20th they lined up 26 Shias in Mastung and gunned them down; and then ambushed two more who were on their way to the scene of the massacre. A sum total of 74 Pakistanis killed in 7 days for the “crimes” of working for the Government, listening to music and being Shia.

The underlying motivation for this violence is ideological, and this ideology is not likely to change whether the United States leaves Afghanistan tomorrow or doesn’t in the next ten years. It is also an ideology that declares a majority of us Pakistanis i.e. the Barelvis and the Shias to be Wajib Ul Qatal (dead men walking), and legitimizes the destructions of schools, shrines, Imam Bargahs and mosques. With the Quetta Shura and the Haqqani Network espousing the same ideology, their strengthening in Afghanistan should raise alarm bells for anyone concerned about Pakistan’s security interests.

If the potential “resentment” of Pakistani Pashtuns weighed heavily on the minds of our FPE, then the safety of the same Pakistanis should have had an even bigger impact, an impact that is certainly not evident in the conclusions to this report. For this reason, the Foreign Policy Elites need to reconsider their definition of Pakistan’s national interest. It is recommended however that before doing so, this group puts itself in the shoes of the parents of Matanai, it is very likely that the word “pragmatism” might have a different meaning then.

SOURCE: https://iopyne.wordpress.com/2011/09/30/elitist-misconceptions/

When Pashtun Deaths are Treated with Nod of Approval -Discriminating Among the Dead

When Pashtuns and Baluchi Deaths are a Favored  Policy 

In an ideal world all lives should be valued equally, but when the reaction to the loss of a life varies with the ethnicity, nationality, color or religion of the deceased, then for sure we have reached a less than ideal state of affairs. We Pakistanis are very quick to protest such behavior, especially when it comes to the Western media’s response to issues involving the death of Muslims.

But it so happens that for us Pakistanis, showing indignation is limited to issues where it doesn’t mean much. Many among us were heartbroken by the plight of the stranded in Gaza and fully supported the forced breaching of their economic blockade, but at the same time we are completely oblivious to the plight of our fellow Pakistanis in Kurram agency, who have also been cut off from essential supplies.

An area that is in desperate need of Pakistani indignation, is our media’s discriminatory coverage of the Taliban onslaught; a bomb blast in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa or FATA somehow does not result in the same level of urgency and priority as a bomb blast in other parts of the country.

An example of this is the difference in coverage between two recent suicide attacks, one of which was in Darra Adam Khel on the 5th of November while the other was in Karachi on the 12th of November. If the loss of human lives is the measure of the importance of these incidents, then in that respect our media associated a much lower weight to the dead in Darra Adam Khel.

The 16 dead in Karachi resulted in dedicated talk shows, awareness loops and the suspension of regular programming. On the contrary, the 61 dead in Darra Adam Khel, were met with a considerably colder response; the suspension of regular programming was for a much shorter time and none of our major media pundits chose to dedicate their shows to the issue.

Back in 2009, I had the opportunity to put this question to the owner of one of our leading news channels. He simply replied that since he was running a business, he had to cater to his demand, implying that the indifference that comes on the screen is a reflection of the indifference that is felt by a majority of Pakistanis.

The probable reason for this could be the smoke screen that is created by Taliban apologists in politics as well as media. At its core are misperceptions about the supposedly stubborn nature of Pakhtuns. These perceptions have gone beyond the realm of racially motivated jokes, and are fast becoming an explanation for the persistence of the Taliban phenomenon. The Taliban conquered FATA is still seen by many as being the land of the free, where people are so angry with drone attacks that they have decided to head to Karachi and Lahore to exact revenge. While these points could result in short term political gains, in the long term the persistence of these beliefs has major consequences for the future of the Pakistani identity.

This selective indifference i.e. shoulder-shrugging on bombings in the North and revulsion on those in the South, is creating a divide between the Pakhtuns and Non-Pakhtuns of Pakistan. It is no secret that the Taliban are predominantly a Pakhtun movement. Naturally, in case of bombings in non Pakhtun areas the first response is to blame Pakhtuns for the attack. However this realization could be countered by equally highlighting the death and destruction brought about by the Taliban in Pakhtun areas. A lesser emphasis on these attacks robs the ordinary Pakhtuns of a legitimate defense that rather than being the perpetrators, they are in fact the biggest victims of Taliban atrocities, accounting for almost 70% of the dead in 2009. Furthermore, on the other side, this selective indifference causes resentment among Pakhtuns, who feel abandoned by the rest of Pakistan.

The fight against Talibanization is being fought on two fronts, i.e. the physical and the ideological. On the physical side we are dealing with an enemy that is becoming increasingly sophisticated; the number of killed per attack has risen from 1.3 in 2006 to 3.31 in 2009. This increased devastation, which is predominantly caused by the Taliban, should have resulted in a major victory on the ideological front, i.e. in terms of a loss in Taliban popularity. But according to the latest PEW research survey, Taliban approval has actually increased from 10% in 2009 to 15% in 2010.

The provincial breakup of the survey shows that at 22%, Punjab has the highest approval rate for the Taliban, a feat that could not have been achieved without the Taliban-neutral stance of its main political parties. The emphasis on drone strikes and indifference towards terrorist attacks within Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, wrongly paints the Taliban as Pakhtun resistance to United States and thus creates support for their antics, but then the extra emphasis on attacks in non Pakhtun areas turns that misguided sympathy for the Pakhtuns into resentment against them.

Some might argue that comparing Karachi to Darra Adam Khel would be to ignore the importance of the former to Pakistan. While this argument would make sense if we were talking about natural disaster, in the case of the Taliban, the destruction between the two is interlinked. A peaceful Darra Adam Khel is a pre-requisite for a peaceful Karachi.

source: https://iopyne.wordpress.com/2010/12/07/discriminating-among-the-dead/

After the Dead Saudi King Grandson of Mullah Wahab ( Father of Wahabism ) What,s Next ?

The king is dead being grandson of Mullah Wahab father of Wahabism ( Deobandism in Indian Sub Continent ) and being Kinds from Daughter of Mullah Wahab who Married Ibn-Saud, Guarantees being a King of a Dictator saudi state an committing Human Rights Abuses on its citizen and Women Particularly . Tale of Abuses and Corruption and its Support by USA and Israel in Particular . 

Grand son of Mullah Wahab and King of Saudia Abadullah 

IT COULD hardly have come at a more challenging time for Saudi Arabia. On January 23rd Saudi state television announced that the 90-year-old ruler King Abdullah had died, nearly a month after being hospitalised for pneumonia. De facto ruler for two decades, Abdullah had nominated his successor, his half-brother Salman (see picture below), who was quickly elevated to king. King Salman's rule may not be long: he is 79 and, some say, suffering from dementia—though the palace vehemently denies this.

Ruling the kingdom is no small job. King Salman has inherited a realm that is the world’s top oil exporter at a time when prices have plunged; is home to Islam’s holiest sites of Mecca and Medina at a time when jihadist violence is at a peak; and has been dragged into turmoil in the region. At home, things are scarcely better: the country of 30m is the only one in which women cannot drive thanks to the struggle between reformists and conservatives. And the public accounts no longer balance without dipping into the country's, admittedly huge, reserves.

Sick Demented 79 Year old current Great Grand son of Mullah Wahabi King of Saudia 

Few reckon the new monarch will rock the boat. A former governor of Riyadh, he is thought to be similarly minded to Abdullah, albeit a little more conservative, and will be advised by the same people.

But challenges abound. Abroad, Saudi has taken a more activist stance of late, and not always with much success. The attempt to build a rebel army to oust President Bashar al-Assad of Syria failed; and Saudi Arabia is now involved in a war against the jihadists of Islamic State. Officials are particularly alarmed by America’s attempts to strike a deal with Iran, with which it vies for power, over its nuclear programme. Iran, champion of the Shia minority, has been expanding its influence in Syria, Iraq and Lebanon. The new king will have instant decisions to make after Yemen’s government fell to Houthi rebels, backed by Iran, overnight. Saudi Arabia had led attempts for a peaceful transition in the country after the toppling of Ali Abdullah Saleh in 2011.

Saudi citizens are worried about blowback at home from Yemen, Islamic State and Iran. The Shia regime in Tehran has been critical of Saudi Arabia for guarding its market share of the oil trade by refusing to cut production to stop the price fall. This is starting to cause a pinch at home. In December Saudi Arabia said its budget deficit would rise to $39 billion in 2015, almost 5% of GDP. Thousands of graduates need work, and most seek jobs in the bloated public sector rather than in the fledgling private one. Decades-old talk of diversifying the economy has risen again.

Indeed domestically the obstacles are greater. By Saudi standards, Abdullah was a moderniser, appointing the first female government minister and in 2013 appointing 30 women to the Shura Council. These moves drew protests from the puritanical Wahhabi clerics and parts of the devout population, as well as reformers who point out that women are still unable to drive or fraternise with men who are not relatives. Free speech is curbed. A number of Saudis are pushing for religion to have less of a grip on the public sphere, the results of which are strict laws on blasphemy and a ban on cinemas.

After the Arab protests, Abdullah sent armoured vehicles to help crush Bahrain’s uprising by the island's mainly-Shia population against the Sunni ruling family. He kept his own population, especially the Shia in the east, quiescent by spending millions on government wages and housing, and setting up a Facebook page for citizens to air their grievances. How long Saudi Arabia's ageing rulers can continue such tactics is in question, and not just because of the cost. One of Abdullah’s great legacies has been funding scholarships that have sent thousands of young Saudis to study in Western universities where, some at least, have picked up democratic ideals.

By appointing Salman as his crown prince, Abdullah also avoided the looming difficulty of passing the crown down a generation in a system where power has been handed down between the sons of Abdel Aziz bin Saud, the founder of the modern state of Saudi Arabia in 1932. On taking the throne King Salman affirmed that his crown prince will be the youngest brother of the generation, Muqrin, a 69-year-old former pilot, intelligence chief and governor of Medina, who was last year appointed deputy crown prince by Abdullah.

Family Tree of Grand Sons of Mullah Wahabi from His daughter Married to Ibn-Saud 

Perhaps to avoid the next generation jostling for power, Salman quickly moved to appoint a nephew (descended of the his own Sudairi line) as deputy crown prince: Muhammad bin Naif, the interior minister, who has shown an iron fist when dealing with terrorism. To deal with the inevitable struggle for the crown, Abdullah in 2006 set up an allegiance committee composed of representatives of each of the sons of the founder. Unlike the current generation, who recall their Bedouin roots, many see many of the next generation as profligate, flashy and irresponsible, having grown up in times of great wealth. During his rule Abdullah cut the allowances to the thousands of princes and princesses, much to their chagrin.

Oil Status 

Oil Production over the Years and Budget of Saudia 

For both Saudis and foreign allies such as America, perhaps the toughest issue facing Saudi Arabia is the puritanical Wahhabi form of Islam that it has fostered; the Al Sauds rule in a pact with the Wahhabi clerics. Abdullah removed the most extreme teachings in school textbooks after the September 11th 2001 attacks on America, in which 15 of the 19 hijackers turned out to be Saudis. But recently voices near and far have been pointing out the contradiction between Saudi joining the coalition against Islamic State while implementing harsh punishments at home for transgressions of its devout religious strictures. The most striking example is the 1,000 lashes handed down to Raif Badawi, a liberal blogger who called for more freedom of thought (the flogging has been suspended after the first 50 lashes, on health grounds). The question for the outside world is whether the Saudi ruling family is part of the problem, or the best defence against the extremists.

Clarification: This article was changed to include the views of the Saudi palace.

source: http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21640601-middle-east-after-abdullah-king-dead?zid=308&ah=e21d923f9b263c5548d5615da3d30f4d