Meet the Man who did Peshawar School Massacre An Enemy with 4 Names.

In order to Deceive People of Pakistan General Raheel Sharif of Pakistan Army to deceive People of Pakistan while the Taliban who did this is from Islamabad Own controlled Taliban they themselves made as Strategic objectives. The Villagers of Adezai are in Shame but the Master minds in Punjab are not shamed it seems and wows to continue the Strategic Depth and control of Afghanistan via Taliban made in Pakistan and financed by US dollars and Saudia Riyals that are used to feed the Overpopulated and Hungry Punjabi,s  who cannot sustain themselves . 

Taliban are Protected by Pakistani Media by Giving them Multiple Names and confusing the People actually the Person is only Same Person . This Policy is most Striking in Geo and rest of Punjabi Establishment controlled media , Taliban are all same coming from Madrissah in Punjab  either who Operate in Afghanistan or Pakistan , but Media Gives them name LEJ, LET , TTP, or Taliban but all are same and Made in Pakistan . 

In Fact the tribal Area is Directly controlled by Punjab  via is Federal Government via colonial laws called FCR-40 made in 1857s by Lord Curzon British Raj Viceroy via a special clause in Paki Constitution called Article 247, which the Punjabi establishment Weapon of Mass Destruction of World .  

by Rahim Mullah Yousafzai . 
The mastermind of terrorist attack on the Peshawar Army Public School leaves Adezai village FR Tribal Area in Peshawar Controlled by Islamabad via Lord Curzon FCR laws ,  in perpetual mourning in shame of Umar Narai / Slim a Criminal of their village Supported by Punjabi Establishment for Conquering Afghanistan as Strategic Depth . 

Umar Narai / Slim from FR Tribal Area of Peshawar 

Feelings of anger and revenge overpowered Adezai, a historic village located Few kilometres from Peshawar district and  FATA , sited close to the semi-tribal territory of Darra Adamkhel FR tribal Area , against their fellow villager, Khalifa Umar Mansoor, as news emerged that he was the mastermind of the December 16 terrorist attack on the Army Public School and College.

“We know him as Umar Naray, but he now calls himself Khalifa Umar Mansoor. We have long known that he is a terrorist and is hiding somewhere in Afghanistan,” said Farmanullah, the brother of Delawar Khan, the late head of the Adezai Qaumi Lashkar set up to defend the village and its neighbourhood from the Taliban militants.

Almost all the villagers referred to him as Umar Naray because his second name in Pashto means slim. In fact, the real name of this tall and lean man is Aurangzeb, but like most of the militants he kept a second name after embracing militancy and joining the Maulana Fazlullah-led Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). He now has four names – Aurangzeb, Umar Naray, Umar Adezai and Khalifa Umar Mansoor. Obviously, he prefers the last name as it confers on him some respectability in the ranks of the militants and makes him important in the hierarchy of the Pakistani Taliban.

Security officials named Khalifa Umar Mansoor as the mastermind of the horrendous attack on the army-run school in Peshawar in which 146 persons, including 134 mostly teenaged students, were killed and more than 100 were wounded. They claimed he was based in Afghanistan where the plan for the attack was made and had been in touch with the attackers by phone as they went on the killing spree in the school attended by around 1,000 students. Some of the security officials placed him in Nazian area in Afghanistan’s eastern Nangarhar province, but a few others thought he was in Achin located not very far from Tora Bora where the US had carried out intensive aerial strikes in December 2001 to kill al-Qaeda head Osama bin Laden and his men to avenge the 9/11 attack.

Any doubts about the involvement of Umar Mansoor in the school attack were removed when the TTP released the pictures of the six attackers, armed and wearing fatigues. In one of the pictures, the turbaned Umar Mansoor is standing in the middle flanked by the six attackers. It clearly established that he had motivated and sent these men on the suicide mission to attack the Army Public School and College and kill the students and teachers as they believed all of them belonged to military families. They were wrong as many students from civilian families were studying in the school and the teachers too were mostly civilians. Umar Mansoor later sent an audio message in Urdu to the media in which he tried to justify the school attack.

According to Adezai villagers, Aurangzeb aka Umar Mansoor studied in the village school for some years and then started working in the nearby gun-manufacturing Darra Adamkhel town. It seems making guns and pistols made him love weapons and eventually pushed him to become a militant. He joined the TTP unit in Darra Adamkhel led by Commander Tariq Afridi and set up its branch adjacent to his house in Adezai village. He became head of the local chapter of the TTP when Tariq Afridi was killed.

Villagers recalled that Umar Mansoor’s cousin Jangrez Khan was a senior TTP commander in the area and the men in his extended family followed in his footsteps as they picked up the gun and began fighting the state. Jangrez was reportedly killed in an ambush by the Frontier Corps soldiers in Khyber Agency. Umar Mansoor’s younger brother Mustafa alias Monoon and four of his accomplices were killed in a joint operation by the law-enforcement and intelligence agencies in the Frontier Region Peshawar in the aftermath of the attack on the Army Public School and College.

The saying “as you sow so shall you reap” aptly explains the story of this clan comprising three families headed by brothers Zakhakhel, father of Umar Mansoor, Jangrez’s father Kalakhel and Shahikhel, whose son Pervez Sheenay is also a TTP commander. Members of the extended family have been killed and captured, others are on the run and its womenfolk and children after being uprooted from the village are living in constant fear.

The villagers in Adezai rose up against the lashkar when Jangrez and Umar Mansoor set up base in the village and began harbouring wanted militants. An armed force, Adezai Qaumi Lashkar, was raised to fight the militants. The militants’ houses were demolished and their families were expelled from the village. This was also the beginning of the ordeal of the Adezai villagers as the militants repeatedly attacked them using suicide bombers and by carrying out roadside bombings. Scores of villagers lost their lives and many were maimed. Funerals were bombed and so was the village marketplace.

The government and Peshawar Police initially supported the lashkar to defend the village and its surroundings, but later its heads, including Abdul Malik, his son Noor Malik and Delawar Khan who are all dead now complained that they weren’t getting enough support in terms of resources. The lashkar was weakened due to disunity in its ranks and the discontinuation of assistance from the government. The lashkar members have continued to defend their houses and village and are still facing retaliatory attacks by the militants. Revenge is on the mind of both sides and Adezai is perpetually in mourning.

Adezai Qaumi Lashkar’s late head Delawar Khan’s brother Farmanullah said Adezai villagers were saddened by the savage attack on the Army Public School and College as they were familiar with the pain after having lost men, women and children in their families in militants’ attacks. “Our war with Umar Mansoor and his men is ongoing. We have been told by informers that he is in Afghanistan, moving from Nuristan to Nangarhar. We want the government to also take action against the militants’ financiers, supporters and sympathizers as they enable people like Umar Mansoor to fight the state and those loyal to it,” he told TNS.
source: http://tns.thenews.com.pk/umar-mansoor-an-enemy-with-four-names/#.VKMbqSuUegY

Peshawar School Massacre Revisited

'There is no God but Allah': Chilling boast of Taliban death squad who posed for pictures in front of extremist banner before slaughtering 132 innocent children , Taliban release photographs showing six men who carried out massacre , Heavy armed fighters posed in front of white Islamic banner before attack , Flag behind reads: 'There is no God but Allah and Muhammad is Allah's Messenger'
Spokesman vowed Taliban would carry out similar attacks in the future ,Added that Peshawar massacre was 'just the trailer' for other atrocities, Maulana Fazlullah ordered yesterday's bloody slaughter of 132 children ,Previously demanded the death of teenage education campaigner Malala

By JOHN HALL FOR MAILONLINE and DAVID WILLIAMS and SAM MARSDEN FOR THE DAILY MAIL

PUBLISHED: 09:29 GMT, 17 December 2014 | UPDATED: 23:45 GMT, 17 December 2014

|Criminal Umar Narai, Known as of FR Peshawar tribal Area under Islamabad Operational head of Taliban in Peshawar 

Posing proudly in front of a Taliban banner declaring ‘There is no God but Allah’, this is the hand-picked suicide cell responsible for the cold-blooded slaughter of 132 schoolchildren.

Clutching an array of rocket launchers and machine guns, the crazed gunmen are shown both in traditional clothing of Taliban fighters and the Pakistan military uniforms they wore to avoid suspicion immediately before storming the Army School in Peshawar.

The pictures – apparently taken in the hours before Tuesday’s attack – were released yesterday by the Taliban, together with a threat to carry out similar attacks despite the outrage at the horrific, carefully planned massacre in which 132 children and more than a dozen teachers were killed.

In an email released this morning, Khurasani attempted to justify the attack by claiming that the Pakistani army has long killed the innocent children and families of Taliban fighters.

But he vowed more such militant attacks and told Pakistani civilians to detach themselves from all military institution, adding: 'We are still able to carry out major attacks. This was just the trailer.'

Mr.  Narai  Flanked on Left and Right by his 6 Taliban Murderers and Serial Killers from Tribal Areas under Control of Islamabad under FCR draconian Laws of Lord Curzon   

Depraved: The Taliban gunmen who slaughtered 148 innocent people, including 132 children, are pictured just hours before the massacre. The white banner they pose in front of is the flag of the Pakistani Taliban and reads: 'There is no God but Allah, and Muhammad is Allah’s Messenger’

Strategic Assets of Pakistan Army in Afghanistan all from Tribal Area of Pakistan under Tight control of Islamabad  

In disguise: The photographs show the six heavily armed men wearing both traditional clothing of Taliban fighters and the Pakistan military uniforms they wore to avoid suspicion before storming the school

FATA Serial Killers Mercenaries 

FATA Serial Killers Mercenaries

Killers: Photographs of the six men responsible for murdering 132 children were released by the Taliban this morning, along with an emailed statement revealing the terrorists plan more attacks at schools in Pakistan

Serial Killers Mercenaries 

FATA Serial Killers Mercenaries

Militants: All six gunmen were shot dead by Pakistan security officials - but not until they'd killed 132 children

Mercenaries and Paid Serial Killer made for Pakistan Policy Objectives 

Serial Killers Mercenaries 

Warped: These two-cold blooded killers stare menacingly into the camera before carrying out the massacre

FATA Serial Killers Mercenaries Strategic Assets of Punjabi Establishment 

Armed: Released by the terror group's spokesman Mohammad Khurasani a third group shot shows the same men wearing full military fatigues - an outfit that would outed them as Taliban to security guards

Illiterate Mullah Fazullah with No Education who People are led to Think runs Taliban and complex Operation with High tech Precision 

Terror leader: Maulana Fazlullah - the firebrand militant, whose thick black beard reaches halfway down his chest - took control of the Pakistani Taliban 13 months ago

In the email, the terror group warned Muslims to avoid places with military ties, saying it attacked the school to avenge the deaths of children allegedly killed by soldiers in tribal areas.

It accused the students at the army school of 'following the path of their fathers and brothers to take part in the fight against the tribesmen' nationwide.

The warning came as the Prince of Wales joined the international condemnation of the attack, describing it as ‘sickening’ and a ‘horrific reminder that Muslims themselves are the victims of the violent intolerance of the extremists’.

Speaking at the Syrian Orthodox Church in London, Prince Charles added: ‘The many, many families in Pakistan who have lost children, other relatives, friends and colleagues in the massacre are in my prayers.’


The Peshawar atrocity is said to have been ordered by Maulana Fazlullah, head of the Taliban in Pakistan and the man who ordered the shooting of teenage education campaigner Malala Yousafzai, this year’s winner of the Nobel Peace Prize.

Fazlullah is understood to have demanded that his lieutenant Umar Naray managed the operation, and communicated with the gunmen directly from his base over the border in Afghanistan.

Pakistan’s army chief of staff, Raheel Sharif, flew to Kabul to seek help in tracking him down.


His communications have been intercepted as well which helped security agencies in tracing his location and whereabouts which was urgently shared not only with the Afghan army but also with Nato forces,' a security source was quoted as telling Peshawar's Dawn newspaper.

The firebrand militant, whose thick black beard reaches halfway down his chest, took control of the Pakistani Taliban 13 months ago. It is thought the massacre may have been his barbaric revenge for Malala, 17, being award the Nobel Peace Prize earlier this year.

Whatever his twisted motive, Fazlullah has succeeded in uniting the world in revulsion once again.


Funeral prayers in Pakistan as PM vows to continue war on terror. 

Sacrificial Lambs of Strategic Depth Pashtuns and Baluchis 

Mrs Qazi and Her Son who claimed she was not burned on his Facebook Profile 

Tahira Kazi (left), the principal of the Army Public School and College in Peshawar, was set on fire by jihadists who slaughtered 148 people, most of them children. 

A Pakistani woman holds up a placard showing a number of the victims of the savage Taliban attack

Sacrifice of Pashtun and Baluchis to Feed the Overpopulated Punjab for Dollars and Riyals 

Tragic: Among the victims of the slaughter are (from left to right) Talha Munur Paracha, Rafiq Bangash, Hassan Javed Khan and Muhammad Yasseen. 

Victims: Rafiq Bangash (left) and Mubeen Shah Afreedi (right) were among the children slaughtered by jihadis

Mobeen Afrid Slaughtered for Riyals and Dollars 

Muhmmad Ali Slaughtered for Dollars and Riyals to feed Over Populated Punjab . 

Amish Salman from Pashtun Family was a Avid Car Enthusiast 

Friends took to social media to pay tribute to Amish Salman, who was among the murdered Class 9 pupils

In a society usually reluctant to criticise the Taliban, there was an outpouring of anger across Pakistan yesterday.

At a vigil in the capital Islamabad, Fatimah Khan, 38, said: ‘I don’t have words for my pain and anger. They slaughtered those children like animals.’

Naba Mehdi, 16, had a message of defiance for the Taliban.

‘We’re not scared of you,’ she said. ‘We will still study and fight for our freedom. This is our war.’

As the photographs of the murders were released by the Pakistani Taliban, all six men were named on Twitter. But their personal details have not yet been independently verified.

The government in Islamabad immediately responded by instructing schools across the country to increase their security and to rehearse escape routines.

It came as mass funerals took place across Peshawar on the first of three days of national mourning and as Pakistan’s prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, ordered a moratorium on the death penalty to be lifted for terror-related cases.

Government spokesman Mohiuddin Wan said: 'It was decided that this moratorium should be lifted. The prime minister approved... Black warrants [execution orders] will be issued within a day or two.'

Inside the military-run school where 150 people were killed

Rivers of Blood were flown to show International Community 

Harrowing: A blood-splattered doorway leading to an auditorium at the school in Peshawar, with spectacles on the floor belonging to one of the victims of the massacre

Politics of Carnage 

Shocking: The scene of the where Suicider Blew himself in Midst of Lady Teacher Common Room Near Administration Block where Lady Principal Also Died 

 Mrs Kazi's office, Intact but  she died near common Room where a terrorist blew himself up during a nine-hour rampage

Horror: This morning the first devastating images emerged of the blood-soaked classrooms where 132 innocent children and nine teachers were massacred by the Taliban

Foreign Journalist were Given VIP Tours while Paki media was kept on Leash by Army Men . 

Carnage: A journalist surveys the staff office at the Army Public School attacked by the Taliban in Peshawar. 

Failure of Zarb I Azab to protect Pashtuns or Policy of Strategic Depth to conquer Afghanistan ?

The moratorium on civilian executions had been in place since 2008. Only one execution has taken place since then.

Amid harrowing scenes, dozens of small wooden coffins were carried for burial together with those of their teachers. Rows of children and fellow pupils stood in silence, some weeping, their hands clasped in front of them beside the lines of caskets draped in blankets.

People across the country lit candles and held vigils for the 148 who were killed – seven more of the critically injured died in hospital yesterday.

‘They finished in minutes what I had lived my whole life for – my son,’ said labourer Akhtar Hussain, tears streaming down his face as he buried 14-year-old Fahad.

He said he had worked for years in Dubai to earn a livelihood for his children, adding: ‘That innocent one is now gone in the grave, and I can’t wait to join him, I can’t live any more.’

Among the best attended of the funerals was that of teacher Afsha Ahmed, 24, who confronted the gunmen when they burst into her classroom and told them: ‘You can only kill my students over my dead body.’

She was burned alive as she stood in front of her pupils.

Photo OPs and Scare Mongering Policy of Dead Bodies Gets More dollars from West 

This first funeral ceremonies for victims of the attack on the Army Public School took place this afternoon.

Poltics and Strategy of Dead Bodies by Punjabi Establishment 

Anger by Pashtun civil Society agianst Punjabi Establishment 

Death to Strategic depth Policies 

Anger: Pashtun men take to the streets to protest against the Taliban's savage murder of 132 schoolchildren: 

Prayer: Dozens of men gather in Peshawar to say prayers for those killed in the Peshawar terror attack

The family of another teacher torched alive in front of her class gathered to say funeral prayers.

Tahira Kazi, the principal of the Army Public School and College in Peshawar, was set on fire by jihadists who slaughtered so many.

It is believed she was targeted because she is married to a retired army colonel, Kazi Zafrullah. The picture obtained by MailOnline shows her standing proudly next to a student believed to be her son.

Prime Minister Sharif said Pakistan stood united to ensure the deaths of the children were not wasted, after a meeting of all party leaders in Peshawar. He promised that in military action, there would be no distinction between ‘good and bad’ Taliban.


Britain has been just ‘days away’ from a terrorist atrocity like the Sydney siege, the UK’s top policeman said yesterday.

Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe said five terror plots in London had been foiled in the past four months alone, including one gang who came ‘very, very close’ before the security services pounced.

The Scotland Yard chief said on LBC Radio there was ‘no doubt’ there were extremists in the UK as dangerous as the gunman behind the Sydney siege, and some plotters had been ‘very close to hurting somebody badly, or killing them’.

‘We have resolved to continue the war against terrorism till the last terrorist is eliminated,’ Mr Sharif said. ‘We must not forget these scenes. The way they left bullet holes in the bodies of innocent kids, the way they tore apart their faces with bullets.’

He said he spoke to Afghan President Ashraf Ghani to discuss how both countries could do more to fight terrorism. Significantly, the two agreed to launch operations on their respective sides of the border, and pledged to ‘clean this region from terrorism’.

Yesterday, the first devastating images also emerged of the blood-soaked classrooms where 132 innocent children and nine teachers were massacred by the Taliban.

Horrifying pictures revealed the carnage wrought by seven extremist gunmen who sprayed children with bullets as they sat receiving first aid tuition and exploded suicide bombs in a room of 60 pupils.


Pictures of a blood splattered doorway leading to an auditorium and the scene of the final gun battle also emerged.

In a grim tour of the building photographers were shown inside the auditorium.

The floor is caked in blood in places and dozens of chairs lie in disarray, knocked over by children running for cover as the terrorists hosed them with bullets.

The lucky ones, it transpired, survived by playing dead under these chairs as the gunmen stalked the room, searching for children they'd missed.

Pashtuns and Baluchis Blood Gets More Dollars for Punjab and its Establishment 

Tragic scene: Pakistani journalists film and photograph inside an auditorium of the Army Public School

Chairs are upturned and blood stains the floor at the Army Public School auditorium

Chairs are upturned and blood stains the floor at the Army Public School auditorium

Survivor Ehsan Elahi told how gunmen burst into the auditorium and fired at children for a full 10 minutes . 

Commando's were too late 

Army commandos fought the Taliban in a day-long battle until the school was cleared and the attackers dead 

Suicide Blast in Hall 

Books and note paper litter the floor of the school, dropped as children ran for their lives 

Picture Opportunity for Strategic Depth and US Dollars for Punjabi Establishment 

Nightmare scene: The pictures of the school's interior emerged as Pakistan began three days of mourning

Pellets of Suicide Bomber who are 90% Made in Pakistan . 

A local reporter walks past a damaged wall of the Army Public School, riddled with bullet holes

Pakistan Armywho Made Taliban in 1970,s 

Bleak: Pakistani soldiers walk amidst the debris as a journalist takes pictures behind them.

Bullet Holes in Class Room 

Barbaric act: The terrorists left the school walls scarred with bullet holes as they went on their rampage

The barbaric slaughter at the Peshawar school was ordered by the Taliban's leader Maulana Fazlullah, who took over the running of the group last November.

Born Fazal Hayat in 1974 in the Swat Valley, Fazlullah is a member of the Yousafzai tribe - the same group of ethnic Pashtuns from which Malala takes her surname.

Aged 18 he became the leader of the local terror group Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi after its leadership was decimated by arrests following the September 11 attacks in New York.

Is He really the Master Mind ?? a Illiterate Mullah or his Handlers in Pakistan 

Killer: The slaughter of 132 children at a school in Pakistan was ordered by Maulana Fazlullah

In the hope of cementing his legitimacy as leader, Fazlullah married the daughter of Sufi Muhammad, who founded Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi in 2002. Rumours that his henchmen kidnapped the bride and forced her to marry him have dogged Fazlullah ever since.

While in jail, Muhammad ordered Fazlullah to adopt his new name and sent him reams of radical Islamic literature designed to assist and guide his son in law.

By the time Muhammad was released from prison in 2008, Fazlullah's leadership was secure enough for its founder not to resume control.

Later that year Fazlullah allied Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi with the Pakistani Taliban, and he started taking direct orders from Taliban leader Hakimullah Mehsud.

This relationship would allow Fazlullah to become increasingly close to senior figures in the terror group.


While taking orders from the Pakistani Taliban, Fazlullah controlled more than 4,000 fighters - helping him to effectively run a parallel government in the Swat Valley and impose strict Sharia law across 57 villages.

It was while governing the Swat Valley that Fazlullah began using FM radio stations to broadcast his firebrand sermons in the area, earning him the nickname Radio Mullah.

His rantings about 'sins' such as television, music, and computers were deemed compulsory listening among the villagers as the Taliban imposed a rigorous version of Islamic law, publicly beheading and flogging wrongdoers and burning schools. 

Malalaa was First to Point Taliban as Education Enemies and was Ridiculed by People who Never thought Punjabi Establishment can Make these Taliban 

Maulana Fazlullah's previous crimes include ordering the murder of campaigner Malala Yousafzai (pictured)

Later in 2007 the Pakistani military forced the band of jihadis out of Swat Valley and arrested Fazlullah's brother. Fazlullah fled to Afghanistan where he was believed to have been seriously injured in 2009 before returning to Swat.

That same year Fazlullah told BBC's Urdu Service that he planned to launch fresh attacks on the Pakistani military in the area.

Over the following three years Fazlullah's band of militants carried near constant cross-border raids on the Swat Valley and seized more and more territory along the frontier region. In 2012 Reuters indicated that Fazlullah controlled a 12 miles stretch of land in Afghanistan's Nuristan province.

It was during this time that Fazlullah ordered the death of Malala Yousafzai - the teenage education campaigner who almost died when a masked gunman in Swat Valley jumped into a vehicle taking girls home from school and shouted 'Who is Malala?' before shooting her in the head.

Last November Taliban leader Hakimullah Mehsud was killed by a U.S. drone strike, leading to the Taliban's supreme council electing Fazlullah as its new head.

Since then, the militant has specialised in the kind attention grabbing savagery that deflects attention away from the Taliban's declining influence in Swat Valley, which has been eroded by bitter feuds broke out with local clans - including the traditionally dominant Mehsud tribe.

Fazlullah has also found his power reined in by the Pakistani military's fresh push into the Taliban's former North Waziristan stronghold.

Most of Taliban come from Madrissah in Punjab and Read write and Urdu Perfectly and thier Pashto is Poor and not as First Language 

Rise to power: Maulana Fazlullah was elected as head of the Pakistani Taliban after the death in a U.S. drone strike of long-term leader Hakimullah Mehsud (pictured centre in brown hat)

In September Fazlullah also declared the Taliban's support for the Islamic State and vowed to send fighters to assist the terror group as it was wages bloody war in Syria and Iraq.

'Oh our brothers, we are proud of you in your victories. We are with you in your happiness and your sorrow,' Pakistani Taliban spokesman Shahidullah Shahid said in a statement issued to mark the Muslim holy festival of Eid al-Adha.

'In these troubled days, we call for your patience and stability, especially now that all your enemies are united against you. Please put all your rivalries behind you,' he added.

'All Muslims in the world have great expectations of you . We are with you, we will provide you with Mujahideen [fighters] with every possible support,' he said.

Yesterday's brutal massacre of schoolchildren is widely seen as an attempt by Fazlullah to prove to his rivals that the Taliban is still a relevant force.

The strategy may not be particularly well thought out, however, as it is only likely to add to the tribal divisions that have drastically weakened the group over the past year.
The BBC faced criticism yesterday for not using the word ‘terrorist’ to describe the Taliban fanatics behind the school massacre in Pakistan. The broadcaster’s TV, radio and online reports called the extremists who carried out the bloody attack ‘militants’ or ‘gunmen’. Tory MP Conor Burns said the Peshawar gunmen were ‘clearly terrorists’ and called on the BBC to stop toning down its language.


source : http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2877174/Radio-Mullah-bloodthirsty-Taliban-leader-planned-Pakistani-school-massacre-ordered-hit-Malala.html

The Unsolved Pashtun Question in Af-Pak

Divide and Rule of British Implemented since 1857 continue by Inherited sons of Pakistan in Punjab who Plays with Fire by Trying to Enslave Pashtuns whom they consider not to be their Equal and it  Treats Pashtuns and Afghans as their Fifth Province and subjects . 

ANSWERING THE PASHTUN QUESTION

by Myra MacDonald
December 29, 2014 · in Book Reviews on a Book by  Abubakar Siddique, The Pashtun Question: The Unresolved Key to the Future of Pakistan and Afghanistan(C. Hurst & Co. 2014)



The “mujahideen” reached Peshawar in the early 19th century, bringing with them a fundamentalist interpretation of Islam and the readiness of zealots to use violence – then against the Sikhs. Their leader, Sayyid Ahmed from Rae Bareilly in northern India, who was inspired by the reformist preacher Shah Waliullah, is still celebrated today in the officially sanctioned ideology of Pakistan as a forefather of modern jihad. But local Pashtuns, who disliked his severe interpretation of Islam, rejected him and the Sikhs killed him in 1831. 

The story is significant in showing how in the history of the region, extremism and religiously sanctioned violence was just as likely to move from east to west, from the heartland of undivided British India to Pashtun lands, as it was to move from west to east. It has all the more resonance following this month’s attack by Taliban militants on a school in Peshawar, in which more than 140 people – most of them children – were killed. It is an attack that Pakistan would desperately prefer to blame on an external enemy hiding among the Pashtuns to the northwest than on influences radiating outwards from its heartland.

The narrative that the dangers of extremism would come from predominantly Pashtun lands to the northwest of British India – including large parts of modern-day Afghanistan, and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) adjacent to Peshawar – is of British origin. It was a convenient way for colonial functionaries to explain to London their poor judgment, which led to the massacre of a British army on its retreat from Kabul in 1842. 

That retreat took place more than a decade after Sayyid Ahmed died, and yet it is far more frequently cited as a foundational moment for the development of jihad in the region than his arrival in Peshawar from the east. Later, the British would relegate the Pashtun lands to the periphery of the British Raj, happy to avoid the burden of governance provided that Afghanistan accepted British tutelage on foreign policy. 

The British colonial spotlight on the Indian subcontinent meant that the history of Afghanistan was often consigned to the shadows. If there were a grammar of Raj thinking, the Pashtuns would always be the objects of a sentence, never its subjects.

The Pakistani state, the direct inheritor of British colonial power in the lands bordering Afghanistan, has preserved many elements of the Raj view of Pashtuns. Its military continues to see Afghanistan as a country over which it has rightful influence – as it has proved with its enduring support for the Afghan Taliban and other Pashtun groups opposed to the government in Kabul. 

It still governs the Pashtun tribes living in Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) through the colonial-era Frontier Crimes Regulation. Since the United States overthrew the Taliban in Kabul in 2001, Pakistan has also been able to rely on an orientalist description of “untameable” Pashtuns to explain resistance to the American presence in Afghanistan.

 This explanation also allows Pakistan to avoid its own active role in Afghanistan’s instability. Some years back, Pakistan’s military establishment, which runs foreign and security policy, even managed to convince many at home and in the West that the Pakistani Taliban were essentially wild tribals riled up by U.S. drone strikes in FATA. 

After the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), or Pakistani Taliban, claimed responsibility for the attack on the school in Peshawar this month, Pakistan’s attention has again been primarily focused on the northwest. 

The day after the attack, Pakistan Army chief General Raheel Sharif travelled to Kabul to demand its help in hunting down Pakistani Taliban leaders that Pakistan says are based in Afghanistan. The Pakistan Air Force stepped up its attacks on militant targets in FATA – the days of worrying about civilian casualties from air strikes seem to be long gone. Just as the British view had relocated violent Islamist extremism to the northwest from the heartland of undivided India where it found its intellectual roots, Pakistan did the same in its response to the Peshawar attack. 

It is not that there are no Pakistani Taliban in Afghanistan or FATA. There are. The point is that the roots of Islamist militancy come from deep within Pakistan; the use of religiously sanctioned violence is integral to its history and ideology. 

Its heartland in Punjab province is home to violent militant groups nurtured for decades by the military to impose its will domestically and to fight India. But this problem in the heartland is all the more easily ignored if attention is focused on what the Raj called its “Northwest Frontier” – on the wild tribal Pashtun of the colonial imagination. The enemy becomes external.

In his book, The Pashtun Question: The Unresolved Key to the Future of Pakistan and Afghanistan, journalist Abubakar Siddique – who is from Waziristan in FATA – sets out to show that violent extremism is neither rooted in Pashtun history nor finds willing hosts among its tribes. He highlights how Pashtuns comprised not only “ungoverned” tribes but also conquerors and rulers, like the Lodi dynasty, which ruled in northern India from 1451 to 1526. 

Rather than celebrating bearded, religious extremists, the heroes of Pashtun history are poets, proponents of non-violence, and Sufis. The Pashtun leader Ahmad Shah Abdali of the Durrani tribal confederation fought and won what was one of the world’s most important battles in the 18th century when his forces defeated the Marathas in The Third Battle of Panipat north of Delhi in 1761. 

Tellingly, Pakistan has appropriated this victory in its official histories as one of Muslims over Hindus rather than one of Pashtuns over Marathas; it suppresses Pashtun ethnicity and replaces it with Islamic ideology. This effort to stress Islam over ethnic identity is one that has defined Pakistan’s attitude to its own Pashtuns, and to Afghanistan, for decades.

Since its creation in 1947, Pakistan’s relations with Afghanistan have been troubled. Afghanistan refused initially even to recognise Pakistan at the United Nations. To this day, it refuses to recognise the colonial-era Durand Line as the official border, instead harbouring claims to Pashtun lands on the Pakistani side as far as the Indus River. Pakistan has also fretted about the Pashtuns on its side of the Durand Line hankering after a separate Pashtunistan, an idea floated in the mid-20th century. 

The Soviet invasion in 1979, and the American and Saudi money provided to fund the Afghan resistance, gave Pakistan the perfect opportunity to exert its influence on Afghanistan while undermining Pashtun nationalism. With its Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency running the resistance, Pakistan made sure to encourage distinctly Islamist fighters whose commitment to the “jihad” against the Soviets would override any attachment to the ethnic Pashtun cause. Pakistan’s subsequent support for the Afghan Taliban who took power in 1996, Siddique notes, created a form of “Pashtun Islamism” that bitterly divided Pashtuns in Pakistan between those who supported the Pakistani establishment and secular nationalists, while also alienating many Afghan Pashtuns.

Siddique’s history is followed by detailed accounts of the war in key parts of Afghanistan and FATA after 2001, when Pakistan formally promised to work with the United States against the Taliban. Instead, he writes, Islamabad followed “a classic game of doubletalk, in which it sent out different messages to different audiences in hopes of capitalising on the ignorance of both, and gambling that its deception would not be noticed by anyone in a position to do anything about it.” The Pashtuns, who would become the main tools and victims of the conflict, of course, noticed it.

The book is at its best when Siddique brings his own first-hand knowledge to bear, particularly in a region so hard for foreigners to visit. On a trip to Quetta, capital of the Pakistani province of Baluchistan, he notes for example that, “it was not difficult to find Afghan Taliban fighters in Quetta. There were hundreds of them, perhaps thousands…” To outsiders they might have seemed indistinguishable from Pakistani Pashtuns, but to Siddique “the way they fastened their turbans, the slight variations of their Pashto dialect, their unkempt long beards and hair, and the way they walked around in packs, distinguished the Afghan Taliban from ordinary residents.”

Given the richness of the material he has collated, the book is, however, surprisingly tame in its conclusions. What Siddique describes as “the unresolved key to the future of Pakistan and Afghanistan” essentially echoes the arguments of the Pakistani military establishment: that violence cannot be ended unless Pakistan’s security concerns are assuaged. 

Thus, he writes that Washington should encourage “Afghanistan and India to effectively address, respectively, Pakistani security concerns related to the Pashtun and Baloch border regions and Kashmir.” He also argues that “true stability will not be possible without a comprehensive settlement between Afghanistan and Pakistan,” which would include an agreement on the Durand Line while also keeping the border open for the movement of people and goods. 

These are arguments which have been made by other analysts groping for a solution to the Afghan war. Yet Pakistan’s problems with Islamist militancy run far deeper than the insecurity of its borders. If its nuclear tests in 1998 could not make it feel secure, Afghanistan’s recognition of the Durand Line is unlikely to make much difference. Moreover, having attempted to establish that violent extremism does not have its roots in Pashtun history or culture, Siddique falls into the trap of seeking solutions from within Pashtun lands rather than at the core of the Pakistani state.

It would have been great to see a much bolder conclusion, one which, rather than continuing the British colonial pattern of trying to impose a settlement on the periphery, looks instead at the problems inherent in the Pakistani heartland and its inability to accommodate ethnic diversity. 

He might have found a need to upend a system that depends on preserving many of the repressive structures of the British security state while stressing the unifying role of Islam to suppress the different ethnic identities of its people. After all, Pakistan already lost more than half its population in 1971, when ethnic Bengalis in East Pakistan broke away, with Indian help, to form Bangladesh. 

Siddique’s book might have opened the way for a leap of imagination that would have addressed the centre far more clearly from the perspective of the Pashtun periphery. Instead, in what appears to be an effort at balance, he ends up repeating the standard security paradigm that Pakistan has somehow imposed on the vast majority of writers and analysts at home and abroad. His book, however, with its wealth of richly footnoted analysis and history, is an essential volume for anyone studying the region or the U.S. war in Afghanistan.


Myra MacDonald is a former Reuters journalist who has reported on Pakistan and India since 2000. She is the author of “Heights of Madness”, a book on the Siachen war fought in the mountains beyond Kashmir on the world’s highest battlefield. She is now working on a book about the relationship between India and Pakistan following their nuclear tests in 1998. She lives in Scotland and can be found on Twitter @myraemacdonald.

source: http://warontherocks.com/2014/12/answering-the-pashtun-question/

Terrorism Highest in Pakhtunkhwa Because it is Run by Taliban Khan.

Taliban Khan has his Heart with Taliban of Waziristan where his Ancestors are from 

Imran Khan: Flirting with the Taliban

Liberal Pakistanis have criticized cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan's opposition to a military operation against the Taliban. His alleged support to the Islamists has earned him the title, 'Taliban Khan.'  

Recently, when the Pakistani Taliban nominated Imran Khan to engage in peace talks with Islamabad, liberal sections of society exclaimed, "See, we always said that Khan was one of the Islamists!"

Although Khan immediately refused to take part in the talks, the controversial "Taliban Khan" tag that he has earned over the years, got another endorsement.

Imran Khan is now one of the key players in Pakistani politics. His party came third in the May 2013 parliamentary elections and now rules the northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province bordering Afghanistan. He wants Islamabad to make peace with the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and sever its alliance with the US in the "war against terror."

Imran Khan married Jemima Goldsmith in 1995

"We will win this war if we disengage from the US," Khan recently told the media. "As long as the Taliban believe we are fighting the US war, they would declare jihad on us. This would be a never ending war," he added.

This is certainly a very different image of a liberal person who studied at the University of Oxford and played in the English cricket league in the 1980s. Back then, Khan was discussed in the British press as much for his sporting talent as for his alleged love affairs.

Khan went on to become one of the most successful cricketers Pakistan has ever produced, under whose leadership the nation won its first Cricket World Cup in 1992. He later engaged in philanthropic work in Pakistan and married British writer and campaigner Jemima Goldsmith. The wedlock, however, didn't last long.

Khan entered politics in the late 1990s, forming a party called Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf (PTI). Although he was worshipped by millions in the country as a great cricketer, Khan was never considered a serious politician, even by his ardent fans, until 2011.

Khan is considered one of the greatest all-round cricketers of all time

But now, for many of his fellow contrymen, the 60-year-old is the "last hope" in a country which is facing innumerable problems ranging from a non-functional economy to a protracted Islamist insurgency. For others, he is a right-wing politician who wants to appease the Taliban.

Who really is Imran Khan?

So how did a person, who was doubted even by members of his own political party as a political alternative to the two main political families, the Bhuttos and the Sharifs, become a force to reckon with in the Islamic Republic? Was it because of the support of the ubiquitous Pakistani army and its Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI), as his critics claim, or was it the relentless political campaigning that Khan has been doing for more than 16 years? Khan's supporters believe it is the latter.

"Khan's stance on corruption, terrorism and nepotism in Pakistani politics has struck a chord with the masses, which are fed up with the traditional ruling elite. He has no corruption charges on him, no foreign assets," claims PTI activist in Islamabad, Khawar Sohail.

But some observers argue that Khan is backed by Pakistan's right-wing groups, in particular the military establishment, because of his "soft" stance on the Taliban and other Islamist militants. His rise in Pakistani politics, they claim, is due to his "good relations" with the ISI. Khan agrees with the organization's position on matters such as Afghanistan and Pakistan's national security, they say.

Amima Sayeed, a development researcher from Karachi, believes that Khan, most definitely, supports right-wing extremists. He has not made it secret.

"When the Swat peace deal between the government and the Taliban was introduced in 2009, Imran Khan was the first politician to support it. His collaboration with the Islamic Jamaat-e-Islami party is also a proof of his right-wing agenda," she told DW.

"He might not sound like a religious political leader of the Jamaat-e-Islami or the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam, but his views about the region, the world, and in particular about the militant groups in Pakistan, are sympathetic if not supportive of the religious right," Owais Tohid, a journalist for the Wall Street Journal in Karachi, agrees. "He opposes a military crackdown on the militants and dismisses the idea that there has been an increase in the homegrown jihadist culture in Pakistan over the years."

2 Years in power in Pakhutnkhwa and Yet No Progess. 

But some analysts say that the debate about Khan's Islamist or liberal credentials is actually taking the spotlight away from his performance as a politician and the leader of a party which governs an important province of the country.

Khan promised speedy justice and an end to corruption in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province after taking its reins. During the election campaign, he also said his party would curb violence and bring peace.

Taliban Leaders of Pakistan 

Representatives of the Pakistani government and the Taliban met in Islamabad for peace talks

Khan's PTI has been in power for almost eight months, yet critics state that most of his election promises have not been fulfilled.

"The government in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province has not delivered anything to people. Corruption and nepotism are rampant and there hasn't been any significant development work in the past eight months," said Qasim Jan, a student in the northwestern city of Peshawar.

"Khan has only focused on protesting US drone strikes in the northwestern tribal areas, blocking the NATO supply route to Afghanistan, and coming up with all sorts of excuses in support of the militants," he added.

Islamabad-based writer, Arshad Mahmood, agrees: "Things are pretty much the same as they were in the past. Khan's party workers consider themselves to be above the law and won't cooperate with the administration. If the PTI officials don't obey the law, how will the governance be improved?," asked Mahmood.

But Khan's supporters, which comprise mainly the Pakistani youth, feel his administration is being unfairly criticized.

"The government has made great strides into a faster and more effective judicial system. The education budget of the province is much bigger than in other provinces. Yes, there are problems, but things are improving," Zakria Zubair, a young entrepreneur in Islamabad, told DW. The 29-year-old PTI supporter also says that Imran Khan is playing the role of a competent opposition leader in the country's lower house of parliament.
source: http://www.dw.de/imran-khan-flirting-with-the-taliban/a-17421805

Pakistan refuses self-examination over Peshawar school Massacre after Failure of Army Operations.

Scores of children were killed in a recent Taliban attack on a school in Peshawar. But instead of re-evaluating its own flawed security policies, Pakistan's establishment is pointing fingers at neighboring Afghanistan.

Bereaving Mothers of Pashtun Kids Massacred . 

Those who were expecting a drastic shift in Pakistan's security policies after the heinous attack by the Taliban on a school in Peshawar will have to wait some time. The assault, in which 141 people were killed, provided a great opportunity for the Pakistani authorities to do some introspection and re-evaluate the country's decades-old security policies. Islamabad, however, chose to put the blame on "external elements," yet again.

The chief of Pakistan's ubiquitous army, Raheel Sharif, flew to Afghanistan on Wednesday, December 17, to meet the top military and civilian leadership in Kabul and discuss the Tuesday massacre. The Pakistani media claimed that Sharif demanded the Afghan government to extradite the head of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Mullah Fazlullah, who is wanted in terrorism cases in Pakistan.

Fazlullah took over the TTP in November 2013

Pakistan's Dawn newspaper has cited the country's security sources as claiming that a Taliban commander, Umar Naray, had masterminded the Peshawar attack from Afghanistan.

"His (Naray) communications have been intercepted as well which helped security agencies in tracing his location and whereabouts which was urgently shared not only with the Afghan army but also with NATO forces," a security source told Dawn.

Over 130 children were killed in an army-run school in the capital city of the northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province on December 16. The Pakistani Taliban claimed the responsibility for the school siege and attack and said the assault was a "response to military's 'Zarb-e-Azb' offensive, the killing of Taliban fighters and the harassment of their families."

The attack led to widespread condemnation of the Taliban both locally and internationally. A large number of Pakistanis demanded the government take decisive action against all Islamist groups in the country once and for all.

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, who declared a mourning period after the kilkings, also pledged to step up efforts against the insurgents. "The fight will continue. No one should have any doubt about it," Sharif warned. "We will take account of each and every drop of our children's blood."

Lost War ???? Failed  Pakistan Army Operation to Curb Taliban ??? 

The Pakistani military controls the security and defense matters

On Wednesday, Sharif convened a conference of the country's main political parties to devise a strategy against the militants. But before the civilian government reached a political consensus on how to deal with home-grown Islamists, a number of conservative political commentators, religious parties, and members of the security establishment had begun talking about the alleged role of New Delhi and Kabul in the attack.

Back to square one?

"Pakistan needs a long-term policy to eradicate terrorism. It might be true that Fazlullah was behind the Peshawar attack, but Islamabad needs to look internally as well," former DW Urdu journalist and Islamabad based analyst, Agha Sattar, told DW.

Sattar added that earlier this month when US officials in Afghanistan handed over the Taliban commander Latif Mehsud to the Pakistani authorities, many hoped that Washington, Kabul and Islamabad were finally on the same page over the Taliban issue. "But the recent surge in attacks in the Afghan capital, and the insistence of the Afghan government that the attackers were backed by the Pakistani spy agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), showed that the conflict was far from over," Sattar said.

The Hague-based Pakistani human rights activist, Kamal Ayoub, says that India and Afghanistan too react to terror attacks by blaming Pakistan. "That's how all these countries try to conceal their own shortcomings and responsibilities," he told DW.

Zeenia Shaukat, an activist working for a labor rights institution in Karachi, does not find the Pakistani reaction surprising. "The 'Indian agents' thinking is deeply entrenched not only in the mindset of our policy-makers, but also among the general public. Unfortunately, the media too promotes the 'foreign forces-did-it' narrative," she told DW.

Targeting Pashtuns only ??? 

The gunmen stormed the Army Public School on Tuesday morning and started firing at random

Geo politics

The fact remains that most Pakistani politicians and military officials normally do not condemn the Taliban unequivocally. A number of them do not use the term "the Taliban" or "TTP" while commenting on terror attacks.

On Wednesday, Altaf Hussain, one of Pakistan's anti-Taliban politician who is currently in self-exile in London, lashed out at PM Sharif for "avoiding to hold the TTP directly responsible" for the Peshawar massacre.

Some experts say that Islamabad wants to use the Taliban in Afghanistan after the NATO drawdown in the coming days, while others assert that the Pakistani military hopes to regain the influence in Kabul it once enjoyed before the US and its allies toppled the pro-Pakistan Taliban government in 2001.

However, Pakistani analyst Abdul Agha is of the view that his country's powerful army is responsible for the continuing strength of the TTP. "They are nurturing and supporting a number of militant groups. The result is that they are still very active," he told DW.

Commenting on the Zarb-e-Azb army operation in Waziristan, Agha said that "the government is going after the [militant groups] that have turned against the state, or who don't agree with its long-term plans vis-à-vis Afghanistan. Pakistan wants to eliminate some and will preserve some for the future."

Political distraction

Zarb-E-Azab a Failure ??? 

The much-touted success of Operation Zarb-e-Azb is very much in question

Maqsood Ahmad Jan, an analysts based in Charsadda near Peshawar, criticized the government of the northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government, headed by cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan's conservative Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party, for its pro-Islamist stance. "Khan has a soft spot for the Taliban. His party's provincial government has failed to protect the common people from the extremists. The school siege is proof," Jan commented.

Since August, the PTI has been holding country-wide demonstrations to topple PM Sharif's central government, which Khan and his party officials claim came into power in May 2013 through rigged parliamentary elections. Experts say that since the embattled premier is busy fighting a political war in the capital Islamabad, he is not in a position to focus on the terrorism issues.

"It is no secret that the PTI is a sympathizer of the Taliban insurgency as the party has repeatedly denounced military action against the extremists on the pretext of opposing American interference. Since Khan started demonstrations against Sharif's government, his party has remained largely silent on Zarb-e-Azb," Islamabad-based political commentator, Khayyam Mushir, told DW, adding that the ongoing anti-government protests were a major distraction for the PM Sharif who is further conflicted on what position to take on the terror issue.

SOURCE: http://www.dw.de/pakistan-refuses-self-examination-over-peshawar-attack/a-18137003